2003-09-27
The Washington Times
May 17, 2002
Surviving, and thriving, as a first source of news
The Washington Times turns 20 today with the international reputation
for hard-hitting news reporting and robust opinion pages that even its
most loyal readers would not have dared predict when the newspaper was
born in the late spring of 1982.
Certain wise men said this new newspaper in the nation's capital would
survive six months. Some said six weeks. They said it never would live
long enough to earn respect and credibility, to achieve influence,
to win the admiration of skeptics, to see the dawn of its third decade.
But it did.
The Washington Times would not only survive, but thrive. It began as a
scrappy alternative to its entrenched competition, speaking to the world
as a ringing independent voice. The Times matured in its second decade
as a reliable source of news and information that readers say they can't
find elsewhere and, on the editorial page and in its commentary pages,
a vigilant and unapologetic defender of the values of God and country,
of faith and family.
Speaker of the House J. Dennis Hastert, Illinois Republican, expresses the
oft-heard verdict: "Washington has not been the same since The Washington
Times arrived on the scene 20 years ago. It has become a more informed
city where a real diversity of opinion is heard."
Readers who may disagree with the editorial page's firm, clear stand on
traditional values and conservative principles nevertheless say that
both Washington and the national debate are livelier and more honest
for the presence of The Times.
"Debate is the noise of democracy," says Senate Majority Leader Tom
Daschle of South Dakota, the town's top Democrat. "That's why I value
The Washington Times. For 20 years, The Times has helped make Washington
noisier, our national debate more vigorous and our democracy stronger."
Defying the odds
The story of an unexpected second newspaper in Washington is a story of
tenacity and determination, of two decades of dedication and distinction.
The Times struggled to establish itself as an alternative to The
Washington Post and the dominant media culture at the apogee of the Cold
War, when communism and despotism seemed to be on the march, with the
traditional American values in apparent retreat. The newspaper had to
overcome suspicions of its founder's purpose and endure the hostility
of a smug media establishment while learning the hard way from its
growing pains.
In its second decade The Times could consolidate its strengths and,
with communism at last relegated to the ash heap of history, contribute
to the reshaping of the media landscape and project its influence over
the national agenda. Its news and opinion columns spurred among other
changes a historic turnover in Congress, the close questioning of a
president's character and a reawakening of appreciation for the values
upon which the nation was founded.
The Times, in no small part because of aggressive coverage of the White
House, Congress, national security and foreign policy as well as local
affairs, grew to be one of the most quoted newspapers in the world,
read not only in Washington but in the capitals of the rest of the world.
"There's nothing like a good Washington Times editorial to get my juices
going for the day's debates in the Senate," says Sen. Edward M. Kennedy,
Massachusetts Democrat. "I respect and commend The Times for its in-depth
coverage of Congress. I send my congratulations and best wishes on the
20th anniversary."
Today, a top-rated Web site (www.washingtontimes.com); a National Weekly
Edition (that overtook The Washington Post's national weekly edition in
circulation); and dozens of monthly "pickups" of its stories by other
news organizations have combined to project the influence of "America's
Newspaper" far beyond its growing Washington circulation base.
Unofficial audited daily circulation climbed to 110,200 in March even as
The Post's formidable circulation, which had reached 780,000, continued
to fall. The Internet edition, introduced in May 1996 and upgraded
regularly, early this year recorded a peak of 18 million monthly "page
views" measuring visitors, not multiple visits.
Wesley Pruden, who shaped the newspaper as managing editor under Arnaud
de Borchgrave in the first decade and then as editor in chief through
the second, has kept the emphasis on the fundamentals of old-fashioned
"shoe-leather" reporting. He nurtured a period of stable growth
and acceptance in which The Times projected a mature influence while
attracting new talent and solidifying its reputation as a must-read for
everyone with a stake in what goes on in Washington.
The Times is not only "a very good read," Brookings Institution media
analyst and senior fellow Stephen Hess told the trade magazine Presstime
last month, but can be counted among the nation's best 10 newspapers.
None of this could have been foreseen on Aug. 7, 1981, the day newspaper
competition disappeared in Washington. Time Inc., unable to extend its
talent with glossy magazines into the gritty, down-and-dirty world of
daily newspapers, finally shuttered the 129-year-old Washington Star,
which had been the dominant voice and advertising vehicle in town as
late as the 1960s.
"The first thing to be said about The Washington Times is that its
existence is a small miracle, or maybe even a big one," says Sen. Phil
Gramm, Texas Republican. "From its first day, the paper has defied the
experts, the critics and the odds just by being there. The Times was
born into a market famous for killing off major dailies, and it arrived
at a time when big-city newspapers had begun to die off all over America."
In a time and place before the Internet, CNN, MSNBC and Fox News, when
information, and control of access to information, was the ultimate power,
The Washington Post reigned in splendid isolation in the nation's capital,
answerable not even to public opinion.
The Post, which four years earlier had celebrated its centennial status
as "the powerful voice of liberal American democracy," was perhaps
the newspaper least vulnerable to competition in all the world. Not
even Pravda enjoyed such domination of the early-morning attention of
policy-makers in its capital.
Ronald Reagan was still new in town, trying to stoke the fires of the free
market and buck up the courage of the free world. But a lot of his matches
were wet. Mr. Reagan had achieved the impossible; he was a conservative
who had gotten himself elected president of the United States. He was
greeted by the dominant media establishment with incredulity, suspicion,
frustration, even anger.
A recession inherited from his predecessor threatened to descend into
a depression as the unemployment rate, the highest since 1940, bumped
10 percent. Interest rates nudged close to 20 percent. The news on
the financial pages was grim, almost without relief: layoffs, factory
closings, declining personal income.
The Rev. Sun Myung Moon, the Korean evangelist who had survived communist
persecution, torture and imprisonment in the 1940s to found a worldwide
religious movement in the 1950s and promote intercultural understanding
in the 1960s, anticipated the death of the Star with growing concern.
A group of Korean businessmen and others, members of the Unification
Church, had managed successful enterprises around the world, including
newspapers in Tokyo, Paris, New York and Cyprus in the mid-1970s. They
regarded the lack of robust press debate in Washington as a danger not
only to their own country, threatened by a heavily armed and hostile
neighbor only 38 miles from Seoul, or to the United States, but to the
free world that looked to America for leadership.
"When Washington, D.C., the nation's capital, ended up with one liberal
newspaper, The Washington Post, I waited for some rich people with a lot
of resources to come forward and publish a patriotic newspaper there,"
Rev. Moon said in December 1982, seven months after the founding of The
Times. "Since no one did, I stood up and said, 'Let's do it.'"
A new day
News World Communications Inc., publisher of a small daily in New
York and headed at the time by Bo Hi Pak, a businessman and onetime
Korean diplomat, was assigned to turn the founder's vision of a new and
independent, and wholly secular newspaper, into reality in only nine
months after the Star's presses fell silent. Using borrowed presses and
staffed on the fly by a few newspaper professionals recruited by News
World's small working group, The Washington Times began publishing five
days a week on May 17, 1982, from a makeshift newsroom, still under
construction in an old warehouse at 3600 New York Ave. NE. One of the
last remaining veterans of the beginning of the long march is Ted Agres,
who is now the deputy managing editor.
The motivations and aspirations of the men and women who invested the
money to start up The Times were spelled out in an inaugural editorial:
"They feel, in common with many other conservatives, that the left
side of the debate has been more than adequately represented in that
[Washington] media mix the right side hardly at all. But they are also
realistic enough to know that this vitally needed newspaper could not
survive, either, unless it were free and independent."
Creative turmoil and a transient newsroom staff dominated by former Star
hands and assorted colorful characters one of whom lived in a hearse in
the parking lot until the cops told him to move on characterized the early
years. One visitor took a look around the newsroom and said, not without
ironic appreciation: "The Times is the Foreign Legion of newspapers."
James R. Whelan, the first editor in chief, departed after two years in a
dispute with corporate management. He was followed briefly by his No. 2,
Smith Hempstone, who had been an editor at the Star and who would later
become U.S. ambassador to Kenya.
Arnaud de Borchgrave, a storied foreign correspondent and editor at
Newsweek, arrived as editor in chief in 1985. The European-born Mr. de
Borchgrave, who had gone to war at sea as a teen-ager at the outbreak
of World War II, put The Times on the map with an emphasis on exclusives
especially in international news, intelligence affairs and foreign policy
and including his own interviews with world leaders.
He relishes telling of how the late Katharine Graham, chairman of The
Washington Post Co., approached him at a state dinner some months into
his tenure. "Arnaud," she said, "I have to tell you, the paper is looking
good in fact, too good."
Wes Pruden, an old-school American newspaperman and Baptist preacher's son
who had first come up from Little Rock to work on Dow Jones' National
Observer, had joined The Times as chief political reporter three
months after the founding. He had covered the civil rights struggle
in the South, the Vietnam War and fighting in the Middle East for the
Observer. He took over as editor in chief in 1991, the year he won the
H.L. Mencken Prize for his wry, take-no-prisoners column, Pruden on
Politics, which has been a popular fixture in The Times since 1984.
He is fond of reminding the newsroom of an ancient axiom in the trade,
that "a newspaper editor has no friends." A good reporter follows the
story, and an honest editor lets the chips, the embarrassment and on
occasion an indictment or a lost election fall where they will. "Your
ultimate responsibility," he tells editors and reporters, "is to your
readers, not to your sources." The only way for a newspaper to win
readers, "who are more important than prizes," he often says, is to
"get it first and get it right." 'A paper to reckon with'
Some signposts along the 20-year march:
The initial thrust of The Times was to chronicle the twilight years of
the Cold War, America's struggle against communism. These were the years
when President Reagan pushed for aid to the Contra rebels in Nicaragua
and the toppling of the Marxist Sandinista regime; aid to El Salvador
while it was under siege by Soviet-backed leftist guerrillas; support
for the Solidarity movement in Poland and the anti-Soviet resistance in
Afghanistan; economic warfare against the Soviet Union and development of
a space-based Strategic Defense Initiative, or "Star Wars." Mr. Reagan's
unwavering stand on "Star Wars," which few major newspapers besides The
Times supported is widely regarded now as the beginning of the end of
the Cold War.)
The Times promised readers it would be "a newspaper of ideas and ideals,"
and the cultural arguments over what came to be called "traditional
values" have been carefully and dispassionately chronicled in the pages
of The Times. Five fronts predominated the "culture war," education,
the sexual revolution, religion and social-welfare policies as the
newspaper documented and analyzed such divisive issues as abortion, AIDS,
homosexual rights, welfare reform, drug abuse, family breakdown, sexual
promiscuity, social engineering in the military and failed experiments
in public education.
Investigative reporting by The Times on a succession of congressional
scandals in the late 1980s and early 1990s contributed to the downfall of
several powerful political figures, such as House Speaker Jim Wright of
Texas and Rep. Dan Rostenkowski of Illinois, and prompted the House's
severe reprimand of Rep. Barney Frank for using his public office to
assist the sordid business of a live-in "call boy." The voter backlash
in 1992 against abuses of power and public trust at the House Post
Office and House bank was fueled by numerous disclosures in The Times,
producing a turnover of 100 seats in the House the largest number in
four decades. Two years later, Republicans running as reformers took
over both houses of Congress.
The Times early on proved itself to be an equal-opportunity watchdog of
the public trust, from George Archibald's exposes of influence peddling
by Michael Deaver, once Ronald Reagan's top aide, to Ralph Z. Hallow's
reports on the unkept promises of the first President Bush and onetime
House Speaker Newt Gingrich.
The Times made its name in local coverage during the tenure of D.C. Mayor
Marion Barry, uncovering case after case of bureaucratic bungling,
cronyism, corruption and waste in the District's government and schools
that ignited the outrage of taxpayers and eventually fueled congressional
resolve to impose reforms on the city.
The Times was the first national newspaper to raise questions about Bill
Clinton's personal misbehavior while he was still governor of Arkansas,
and despite early criticism from other news organizations, it never let
go of the unfolding story. That initial reporting in 1991 on long-rumored
sexual dalliances made a compelling link between the future president's
private and public behavior the abuse of his office to feed illicit
appetites. It proved a foretaste of the obstruction and false testimony
that led to Mr. Clinton's impeachment by the House in 1998.
The Times was credited for setting the pace in investigating and detailing
the Whitewater scandal, such as Jerry Seper's landmark exclusive in late
1993 that Clinton aides had removed Whitewater-related documents from the
office of White House Deputy Counsel Vincent W. Foster Jr. the night he
killed himself. Within weeks, the president no longer could resist Hill
demands for an independent counsel to investigate. The twisting trail
of presidential peccadillos, and worse, would lead four years later to
an intern named Monica Lewinsky.
Pentagon correspondent Rowan Scarborough led coverage of the Clinton
administration's repeated efforts to sacrificing combat readiness and
morale to the demands of radical feminists and homosexual activists,
over the spirited protests of senior military officers. Military voters
proved a decisive bloc in George W. Bush's victory over Al Gore in 2000.
Bill Gertz, singled out by military and intelligence experts as the most
respected (or feared) national-security reporter in Washington, broke so
many stories about threats posed by communist nations and rogue states
that officials in four administrations complained that he embarrassed or
angered their president. His reporting, particularly relentless on China's
arms buildup and provision of nuclear missile technology to Pakistan,
Iran and other countries in violation of international agreements,
led to his denunciation by the Beijing government.
"The Washington Times, fighting biases against both its founder and its
editorial page, has quite simply become one of the most influential
newspapers in the world," says Francis B. Coombs Jr., who rose from
national editor to deputy managing editor in the 1990s and was named
managing editor early this year, following the distinguished tenures of
Josette Shiner and William E. Giles. "We always set our sights on the
New York Times and The Washington Post as our chief rivals, and we've
gone a long, long way in challenging them, despite disparities in budget
and personnel."
The second decade brought additions and innovations, starting with the
debut in September 1991 of Saturday and Sunday editions that gave readers
a weekend choice in Washington for the first time since the demise of
the Star.
Other now familiar offerings include Washington Daybook, Inside Politics
and Inside the Ring on the national pages; the Briefing Page and Embassy
Row on the foreign pages; Culture, et cetera, a page covering the
intersection of politics with religion and culture; and a section called
Family Times to help families meet and survive the latest challenges to
successful parenting.
"[A] growing number of fans, many of them liberals, have stumbled upon a
useful little secret," Washington Monthly said in a 1997 cover story. "The
Washington Times has become a must-read. Not only because it occasionally
breaks a really big story, but because The Times now offers a daily menu
of straight, ground-breaking, essential news, often on subjects to which
other outlets give short shrift."
As an unidentified official in the Clinton White House told the magazine:
"You can't not read The Times if you're working in government and politics
in Washington. There's unique information that they get that you won't
find anywhere else."
Reported MediaWeek: "Like it or not (and many folks don't), The Washington
Times, founded in 1982, has become a paper to reckon with. Now, on any
given Sunday, viewers may see Tim Russert, host of 'Meet the Press,'
waving a copy of the paper as he fires salvos at the White House chief
of staff or the Democratic leadership."
Joseph Laitin, onetime ombudsman for The Post, memorably observed: "The
Washington Times on the whole has better judgment of what to put on Page
One than The Post." Another Post ombudsman, Michael Getler, wrote last
fall that The Times "administered the water-torture treatment to The Post"
with three important exclusives the previous week: "Every newspaper,
even one as big as The Post, gets beat from time to time on local
stories. But three pops in one week ought to flash yellow lights here."
May 17, 2002
Surviving, and thriving, as a first source of news
The Washington Times turns 20 today with the international reputation
for hard-hitting news reporting and robust opinion pages that even its
most loyal readers would not have dared predict when the newspaper was
born in the late spring of 1982.
Certain wise men said this new newspaper in the nation's capital would
survive six months. Some said six weeks. They said it never would live
long enough to earn respect and credibility, to achieve influence,
to win the admiration of skeptics, to see the dawn of its third decade.
But it did.
The Washington Times would not only survive, but thrive. It began as a
scrappy alternative to its entrenched competition, speaking to the world
as a ringing independent voice. The Times matured in its second decade
as a reliable source of news and information that readers say they can't
find elsewhere and, on the editorial page and in its commentary pages,
a vigilant and unapologetic defender of the values of God and country,
of faith and family.
Speaker of the House J. Dennis Hastert, Illinois Republican, expresses the
oft-heard verdict: "Washington has not been the same since The Washington
Times arrived on the scene 20 years ago. It has become a more informed
city where a real diversity of opinion is heard."
Readers who may disagree with the editorial page's firm, clear stand on
traditional values and conservative principles nevertheless say that
both Washington and the national debate are livelier and more honest
for the presence of The Times.
"Debate is the noise of democracy," says Senate Majority Leader Tom
Daschle of South Dakota, the town's top Democrat. "That's why I value
The Washington Times. For 20 years, The Times has helped make Washington
noisier, our national debate more vigorous and our democracy stronger."
Defying the odds
The story of an unexpected second newspaper in Washington is a story of
tenacity and determination, of two decades of dedication and distinction.
The Times struggled to establish itself as an alternative to The
Washington Post and the dominant media culture at the apogee of the Cold
War, when communism and despotism seemed to be on the march, with the
traditional American values in apparent retreat. The newspaper had to
overcome suspicions of its founder's purpose and endure the hostility
of a smug media establishment while learning the hard way from its
growing pains.
In its second decade The Times could consolidate its strengths and,
with communism at last relegated to the ash heap of history, contribute
to the reshaping of the media landscape and project its influence over
the national agenda. Its news and opinion columns spurred among other
changes a historic turnover in Congress, the close questioning of a
president's character and a reawakening of appreciation for the values
upon which the nation was founded.
The Times, in no small part because of aggressive coverage of the White
House, Congress, national security and foreign policy as well as local
affairs, grew to be one of the most quoted newspapers in the world,
read not only in Washington but in the capitals of the rest of the world.
"There's nothing like a good Washington Times editorial to get my juices
going for the day's debates in the Senate," says Sen. Edward M. Kennedy,
Massachusetts Democrat. "I respect and commend The Times for its in-depth
coverage of Congress. I send my congratulations and best wishes on the
20th anniversary."
Today, a top-rated Web site (www.washingtontimes.com); a National Weekly
Edition (that overtook The Washington Post's national weekly edition in
circulation); and dozens of monthly "pickups" of its stories by other
news organizations have combined to project the influence of "America's
Newspaper" far beyond its growing Washington circulation base.
Unofficial audited daily circulation climbed to 110,200 in March even as
The Post's formidable circulation, which had reached 780,000, continued
to fall. The Internet edition, introduced in May 1996 and upgraded
regularly, early this year recorded a peak of 18 million monthly "page
views" measuring visitors, not multiple visits.
Wesley Pruden, who shaped the newspaper as managing editor under Arnaud
de Borchgrave in the first decade and then as editor in chief through
the second, has kept the emphasis on the fundamentals of old-fashioned
"shoe-leather" reporting. He nurtured a period of stable growth
and acceptance in which The Times projected a mature influence while
attracting new talent and solidifying its reputation as a must-read for
everyone with a stake in what goes on in Washington.
The Times is not only "a very good read," Brookings Institution media
analyst and senior fellow Stephen Hess told the trade magazine Presstime
last month, but can be counted among the nation's best 10 newspapers.
None of this could have been foreseen on Aug. 7, 1981, the day newspaper
competition disappeared in Washington. Time Inc., unable to extend its
talent with glossy magazines into the gritty, down-and-dirty world of
daily newspapers, finally shuttered the 129-year-old Washington Star,
which had been the dominant voice and advertising vehicle in town as
late as the 1960s.
"The first thing to be said about The Washington Times is that its
existence is a small miracle, or maybe even a big one," says Sen. Phil
Gramm, Texas Republican. "From its first day, the paper has defied the
experts, the critics and the odds just by being there. The Times was
born into a market famous for killing off major dailies, and it arrived
at a time when big-city newspapers had begun to die off all over America."
In a time and place before the Internet, CNN, MSNBC and Fox News, when
information, and control of access to information, was the ultimate power,
The Washington Post reigned in splendid isolation in the nation's capital,
answerable not even to public opinion.
The Post, which four years earlier had celebrated its centennial status
as "the powerful voice of liberal American democracy," was perhaps
the newspaper least vulnerable to competition in all the world. Not
even Pravda enjoyed such domination of the early-morning attention of
policy-makers in its capital.
Ronald Reagan was still new in town, trying to stoke the fires of the free
market and buck up the courage of the free world. But a lot of his matches
were wet. Mr. Reagan had achieved the impossible; he was a conservative
who had gotten himself elected president of the United States. He was
greeted by the dominant media establishment with incredulity, suspicion,
frustration, even anger.
A recession inherited from his predecessor threatened to descend into
a depression as the unemployment rate, the highest since 1940, bumped
10 percent. Interest rates nudged close to 20 percent. The news on
the financial pages was grim, almost without relief: layoffs, factory
closings, declining personal income.
The Rev. Sun Myung Moon, the Korean evangelist who had survived communist
persecution, torture and imprisonment in the 1940s to found a worldwide
religious movement in the 1950s and promote intercultural understanding
in the 1960s, anticipated the death of the Star with growing concern.
A group of Korean businessmen and others, members of the Unification
Church, had managed successful enterprises around the world, including
newspapers in Tokyo, Paris, New York and Cyprus in the mid-1970s. They
regarded the lack of robust press debate in Washington as a danger not
only to their own country, threatened by a heavily armed and hostile
neighbor only 38 miles from Seoul, or to the United States, but to the
free world that looked to America for leadership.
"When Washington, D.C., the nation's capital, ended up with one liberal
newspaper, The Washington Post, I waited for some rich people with a lot
of resources to come forward and publish a patriotic newspaper there,"
Rev. Moon said in December 1982, seven months after the founding of The
Times. "Since no one did, I stood up and said, 'Let's do it.'"
A new day
News World Communications Inc., publisher of a small daily in New
York and headed at the time by Bo Hi Pak, a businessman and onetime
Korean diplomat, was assigned to turn the founder's vision of a new and
independent, and wholly secular newspaper, into reality in only nine
months after the Star's presses fell silent. Using borrowed presses and
staffed on the fly by a few newspaper professionals recruited by News
World's small working group, The Washington Times began publishing five
days a week on May 17, 1982, from a makeshift newsroom, still under
construction in an old warehouse at 3600 New York Ave. NE. One of the
last remaining veterans of the beginning of the long march is Ted Agres,
who is now the deputy managing editor.
The motivations and aspirations of the men and women who invested the
money to start up The Times were spelled out in an inaugural editorial:
"They feel, in common with many other conservatives, that the left
side of the debate has been more than adequately represented in that
[Washington] media mix the right side hardly at all. But they are also
realistic enough to know that this vitally needed newspaper could not
survive, either, unless it were free and independent."
Creative turmoil and a transient newsroom staff dominated by former Star
hands and assorted colorful characters one of whom lived in a hearse in
the parking lot until the cops told him to move on characterized the early
years. One visitor took a look around the newsroom and said, not without
ironic appreciation: "The Times is the Foreign Legion of newspapers."
James R. Whelan, the first editor in chief, departed after two years in a
dispute with corporate management. He was followed briefly by his No. 2,
Smith Hempstone, who had been an editor at the Star and who would later
become U.S. ambassador to Kenya.
Arnaud de Borchgrave, a storied foreign correspondent and editor at
Newsweek, arrived as editor in chief in 1985. The European-born Mr. de
Borchgrave, who had gone to war at sea as a teen-ager at the outbreak
of World War II, put The Times on the map with an emphasis on exclusives
especially in international news, intelligence affairs and foreign policy
and including his own interviews with world leaders.
He relishes telling of how the late Katharine Graham, chairman of The
Washington Post Co., approached him at a state dinner some months into
his tenure. "Arnaud," she said, "I have to tell you, the paper is looking
good in fact, too good."
Wes Pruden, an old-school American newspaperman and Baptist preacher's son
who had first come up from Little Rock to work on Dow Jones' National
Observer, had joined The Times as chief political reporter three
months after the founding. He had covered the civil rights struggle
in the South, the Vietnam War and fighting in the Middle East for the
Observer. He took over as editor in chief in 1991, the year he won the
H.L. Mencken Prize for his wry, take-no-prisoners column, Pruden on
Politics, which has been a popular fixture in The Times since 1984.
He is fond of reminding the newsroom of an ancient axiom in the trade,
that "a newspaper editor has no friends." A good reporter follows the
story, and an honest editor lets the chips, the embarrassment and on
occasion an indictment or a lost election fall where they will. "Your
ultimate responsibility," he tells editors and reporters, "is to your
readers, not to your sources." The only way for a newspaper to win
readers, "who are more important than prizes," he often says, is to
"get it first and get it right." 'A paper to reckon with'
Some signposts along the 20-year march:
The initial thrust of The Times was to chronicle the twilight years of
the Cold War, America's struggle against communism. These were the years
when President Reagan pushed for aid to the Contra rebels in Nicaragua
and the toppling of the Marxist Sandinista regime; aid to El Salvador
while it was under siege by Soviet-backed leftist guerrillas; support
for the Solidarity movement in Poland and the anti-Soviet resistance in
Afghanistan; economic warfare against the Soviet Union and development of
a space-based Strategic Defense Initiative, or "Star Wars." Mr. Reagan's
unwavering stand on "Star Wars," which few major newspapers besides The
Times supported is widely regarded now as the beginning of the end of
the Cold War.)
The Times promised readers it would be "a newspaper of ideas and ideals,"
and the cultural arguments over what came to be called "traditional
values" have been carefully and dispassionately chronicled in the pages
of The Times. Five fronts predominated the "culture war," education,
the sexual revolution, religion and social-welfare policies as the
newspaper documented and analyzed such divisive issues as abortion, AIDS,
homosexual rights, welfare reform, drug abuse, family breakdown, sexual
promiscuity, social engineering in the military and failed experiments
in public education.
Investigative reporting by The Times on a succession of congressional
scandals in the late 1980s and early 1990s contributed to the downfall of
several powerful political figures, such as House Speaker Jim Wright of
Texas and Rep. Dan Rostenkowski of Illinois, and prompted the House's
severe reprimand of Rep. Barney Frank for using his public office to
assist the sordid business of a live-in "call boy." The voter backlash
in 1992 against abuses of power and public trust at the House Post
Office and House bank was fueled by numerous disclosures in The Times,
producing a turnover of 100 seats in the House the largest number in
four decades. Two years later, Republicans running as reformers took
over both houses of Congress.
The Times early on proved itself to be an equal-opportunity watchdog of
the public trust, from George Archibald's exposes of influence peddling
by Michael Deaver, once Ronald Reagan's top aide, to Ralph Z. Hallow's
reports on the unkept promises of the first President Bush and onetime
House Speaker Newt Gingrich.
The Times made its name in local coverage during the tenure of D.C. Mayor
Marion Barry, uncovering case after case of bureaucratic bungling,
cronyism, corruption and waste in the District's government and schools
that ignited the outrage of taxpayers and eventually fueled congressional
resolve to impose reforms on the city.
The Times was the first national newspaper to raise questions about Bill
Clinton's personal misbehavior while he was still governor of Arkansas,
and despite early criticism from other news organizations, it never let
go of the unfolding story. That initial reporting in 1991 on long-rumored
sexual dalliances made a compelling link between the future president's
private and public behavior the abuse of his office to feed illicit
appetites. It proved a foretaste of the obstruction and false testimony
that led to Mr. Clinton's impeachment by the House in 1998.
The Times was credited for setting the pace in investigating and detailing
the Whitewater scandal, such as Jerry Seper's landmark exclusive in late
1993 that Clinton aides had removed Whitewater-related documents from the
office of White House Deputy Counsel Vincent W. Foster Jr. the night he
killed himself. Within weeks, the president no longer could resist Hill
demands for an independent counsel to investigate. The twisting trail
of presidential peccadillos, and worse, would lead four years later to
an intern named Monica Lewinsky.
Pentagon correspondent Rowan Scarborough led coverage of the Clinton
administration's repeated efforts to sacrificing combat readiness and
morale to the demands of radical feminists and homosexual activists,
over the spirited protests of senior military officers. Military voters
proved a decisive bloc in George W. Bush's victory over Al Gore in 2000.
Bill Gertz, singled out by military and intelligence experts as the most
respected (or feared) national-security reporter in Washington, broke so
many stories about threats posed by communist nations and rogue states
that officials in four administrations complained that he embarrassed or
angered their president. His reporting, particularly relentless on China's
arms buildup and provision of nuclear missile technology to Pakistan,
Iran and other countries in violation of international agreements,
led to his denunciation by the Beijing government.
"The Washington Times, fighting biases against both its founder and its
editorial page, has quite simply become one of the most influential
newspapers in the world," says Francis B. Coombs Jr., who rose from
national editor to deputy managing editor in the 1990s and was named
managing editor early this year, following the distinguished tenures of
Josette Shiner and William E. Giles. "We always set our sights on the
New York Times and The Washington Post as our chief rivals, and we've
gone a long, long way in challenging them, despite disparities in budget
and personnel."
The second decade brought additions and innovations, starting with the
debut in September 1991 of Saturday and Sunday editions that gave readers
a weekend choice in Washington for the first time since the demise of
the Star.
Other now familiar offerings include Washington Daybook, Inside Politics
and Inside the Ring on the national pages; the Briefing Page and Embassy
Row on the foreign pages; Culture, et cetera, a page covering the
intersection of politics with religion and culture; and a section called
Family Times to help families meet and survive the latest challenges to
successful parenting.
"[A] growing number of fans, many of them liberals, have stumbled upon a
useful little secret," Washington Monthly said in a 1997 cover story. "The
Washington Times has become a must-read. Not only because it occasionally
breaks a really big story, but because The Times now offers a daily menu
of straight, ground-breaking, essential news, often on subjects to which
other outlets give short shrift."
As an unidentified official in the Clinton White House told the magazine:
"You can't not read The Times if you're working in government and politics
in Washington. There's unique information that they get that you won't
find anywhere else."
Reported MediaWeek: "Like it or not (and many folks don't), The Washington
Times, founded in 1982, has become a paper to reckon with. Now, on any
given Sunday, viewers may see Tim Russert, host of 'Meet the Press,'
waving a copy of the paper as he fires salvos at the White House chief
of staff or the Democratic leadership."
Joseph Laitin, onetime ombudsman for The Post, memorably observed: "The
Washington Times on the whole has better judgment of what to put on Page
One than The Post." Another Post ombudsman, Michael Getler, wrote last
fall that The Times "administered the water-torture treatment to The Post"
with three important exclusives the previous week: "Every newspaper,
even one as big as The Post, gets beat from time to time on local
stories. But three pops in one week ought to flash yellow lights here."
凡是研究近年美國政治生態及媒體環境變化者，都必不能疏忽了《華盛頓時報》。
這份報紙改寫了美國報業史的許多紀錄：
其一，在美國教會史上，1879年出現了一個由艾迪夫人（Mrs. Mary Baker Eddy. 1821-1910）所創的新興非正統教會「基督教科學會」，在當時被視為異端。該教會於1908年創立《基督教科學箴言報》，有了媒體的支撐，它的正當性和教勢遂取得了極佳的戰略位置，因而得以持續成長，《基督教科學箴言報》後來演變為一個頗受尊敬的溫和保守派報紙。而《華盛頓時報》則是由南韓人文鮮明創設的「統一教」所辦。該教會也因為報紙的緣故，而開始和美國政治主流掛鉤，並因而取得了教會在美國立足的正當性。小教派而辦報，《華盛頓時報》是繼《基督教科學箴言報》之後的第二個特例。
其二，《基督教科學箴言報》所繼承的仍是西方文明的中庸精神，但《華盛頓時報》則不然。它將日本戰前的反共軍國主義與戰後東亞的冷戰意識形態熔為一爐，而後和美國新崛起的基督教極右保守主義混合。因此這份報紙超級好戰，並整個顛覆了美國報業客觀公正的傳統。它為了目的而可以不擇手段的製造謠言，進行人身攻擊，儼然成了美國極右派的打手兼傳聲筒。曾在統一教裡做過幹部的哈山（Steve Hassan）即說過：「該報與保守主義無關，它是法西斯主義。」
其三，「統一教」在1970年代美國越戰失敗的思想真空期進入美國，將東方反共法西斯的思想帶進了美國，使得美國極右翼找到了這個來自東方的盟友，因而從深層的意識形態而言，《華盛頓時報》所代表的，乃是西方保守主義的東方化，因而東方政治裡那些丟棄都還來不及的元素，遂一點點的被滲透進了美國人的心靈中。整個美國的政治生態遂一步步的加速出現「返祖現象」。今天美國有所謂「負面競選術」（Negative Campaign）之說，它始於1988年老布希對民主黨候選人杜凱吉斯的大選之役。在那次大選中，最早用卑鄙下流手段對付杜凱吉斯的，就是《華盛頓時報》。
美國極右派的「機關報」
由於《華盛頓時報》具有改變美國政治及媒體生態的作用，因而在過去10多年裡，它儼然已成了美國極右派的機關報。雷根曾說過他「每日必讀該報」，而老布希則曾在白宮私宴該報總編輯普魯頓（Wesley Pruden），稱許該報「極有價值，我每天必看」。文鮮明自己曾宣稱，該報在美國大大小小1750家報紙裡，為「三大具有影響力的報紙之一」，這當然是自吹自擂。但該報具有相當大的影響力仍毋庸置疑。
而有關《華盛頓時報》的故事，當然得從統一教及其教主文鮮明說起。
文鮮明，1920年1月6日出生於朝鮮半島西北部的一個基督教家庭，以目前南北韓的疆界而分，他應算為北韓人。第二次大戰之後，他到朝鮮半島南部，進入一個稱為 Israel Suowon 的小型崇拜團體。但該團體被認為涉及不當性行為及乖僻之教義，南部無法立足，他遂返回北方，但被捕兩次並入獄，韓戰爆發時，他正在北韓坐牢，美軍一度打到北邊，他因而出獄。韓戰結束，他輾轉又到南韓，並於1954年創設統一教。
統一教初創時並不順利，但1961年卻顯然是文鮮明時來運轉的關鍵之年。這一年，南韓總理金鐘泌奉命成立「南韓中央情報局」，拉攏文鮮明的統一教為其統戰之外圍機構。於是，文鮮明遂赴日本活動，和曾經是侵華戰爭前鋒的的川良一及兒玉譽士夫等結識，並展開了長期的合作。
川良一，戰前日本國粹黨總裁，認為日本侵華具有正當性。他於戰後被列為一級戰犯，囚禁於巢鴨監獄，昭和23年獲釋，1995年卒，享年96歲。
兒玉譽士夫，1911年生，堅信天皇中心主義，為激進愛國黨主幹。日本侵華戰爭期間，他在上海成立「兒玉機關」，為海軍本部進行物資和情報調度等工作，戰後亦被列為一級戰犯。他與川良一為上海時期之工作夥伴。根據美國方面的調查研究，1960年代初，文鮮明奉南韓中央情報局之命而赴日活動，與日本極右翼有極頻繁的合作經驗，對1960年代東亞的「亞盟」及「世盟」等反共組織之活動出力極多。當時台灣也是這些活動的主要據點，一個韓日極右聯盟的組合也因此而形成。
視捏造新聞為當然
當文鮮明的統一教在亞洲的活動已趨正常後，1964年，出身於南韓中央情報局，曾任駐美武官，後來成為文鮮明親信的朴柏希（Bo Hi Pak，譯音）赴美成立了一個自由基金會，這是統一教赴美的開始，也是後來演變為「南韓門」有關南韓對美遊說工作大規模展開的濫觴。
從1960至70年代，文鮮明雖然挾帶著超級財力與人力赴美傳教兼搞政治遊說，據稱最誇張的時候，他的遊說員裡有300多名美女工作。但在這個階段，卻也是它最受非議、阻力也最大的階段：
在宗教上，統一教祇能算是一個新興的「崇拜團體」（Cult），並不能算是嚴格的獨立教會，因而對美國的主流宗教，它遂被視為異端。加以它的傳教活動奇特，有關性不當的傳言亦繪聲繪影不斷傳出：還有它那種招牌式的集體結婚儀式亦讓人側目，凡此種種皆使得統一教在美國的活動備受爭議，也受到美國軍事情報局方面的反覆調查。
在政治行為上，1960至70年代，乃是美國主流價值仍相當穩定的時刻，保守的右翼雖已崛起，但勢力尚未鼎盛，因而美國對外國的遊說也管控甚嚴。像南韓如此這般大張旗鼓的遊說及政治活動，當然也讓多數美國人及美國政府機關不以為然。因而遂於1978年爆發由國會提出的「南韓門」調查事件，而文鮮明那種金錢多得花不完的黑白道關係，當然也受到美國情治特務系統的嚴密監控。
根據美國軍情局的調查，文鮮明除了與日本黑道極右派來往密切外，也和北韓金日成、金正日父子有金錢來往，例如他曾處理掉在美國費城的一項房地產投資，獲利300萬美元，即將這筆獲利輾轉經過香港的一家華人銀行送到三星集團手中，而後又被送進北韓，做為對金日成的生日賀禮。美國軍情局的這些指控究竟是真是假，極難判定，但這至少顯示出美國情治特務系統對他的注意，演變到後來，甚至成為對他的財務之監控。1982年他並因為逃稅而被起訴，判刑1年6個月。
或許正因1960至70年代的這些挫折，於是，就在1982年他被逃稅判刑這一年，文鮮明決定開辦《華盛頓時報》。根據美國對該報長期觀察的人士指出，《華盛頓時報》乃是一個關係極為複雜的報紙：
——在控股關係上，它的上級乃是一個由文鮮明的親信所組的「新世紀傳播公司」，它的3大負責人，都和南韓中央情報局有著密切的關係。
——在經營上，它在創報之初曾信誓旦旦宣稱將依新聞專業原則辦報，但實質上則是統一教對該報嚴重的予以例行干擾。因而該報的創始總編輯兼發行人魏南（James Whelan）、總主筆契斯雪爾（William Cheshire）以及許多工作者皆先後離職。離職員工最受不了的，乃是他們對捏造新聞根本無所謂的視之為當然。
積極介入干預美國政治
而除了上述問題外，文鮮明創辦《華盛頓時報》後，有了這項傳播利器，他遂利用這份報紙，更積極的介入美國內部政治。其犖犖大者有如下數端：
例如，在1982年美國對雷根政府的「伊朗尼遊案」展開調查，該報遂藉機表態，全力為雷根政府的違法亂紀曲意辯護，並對獨立調查的檢察官瓦許（Lawrence Walsh）展開抨擊。當一個政府違法亂紀還會被人讚揚，美國保守派日益倒退遂告出現。
例如，1988年美國總統大選，共和黨的老布希和民主黨的杜凱吉斯對壘，最初杜凱吉斯領先至少兩位數，但該報全力支持老布希，因而造謠說杜凱吉斯有家族遺傳精神病。這是1988年大選卑鄙的「負面競選術」之開始，在為達目的而不擇手段之下，杜凱吉斯被徹底抹黑，因而造成美國選舉史上從未曾有的「Ｕ型大逆轉」。經過該次選舉後，共和黨可以說已被進一步的往法西斯化的方向拖跩了下去。
例如，1992年美國大選，柯林頓對老布希，《華盛頓時報》公開的造謠說柯林頓是「俄國間諜」，幸而柯林頓不是老實的杜凱吉斯，最後還是獲得勝利，但由此已可看出該報手段骯髒的程度。
因此，文鮮明有了《華盛頓時報》後，東方式的那種反共法西斯作風，已透過該報而像基因轉殖般的一點一點滲入到美國共和黨內。據該報觀察者克拉克遜（Fred Clarkson）、白瑞（Robert Parry）等人所述，這份報紙每年要花掉文鮮明大約1億美元，但他所得到的意識形態影響力卻難以估計。他們並指出，在過去長期以來，文鮮明並透過種種方式，大約捐獻給布希家族1000萬美元的政治獻金，當然更別說它和保守派動員組織如「保守派政治行動委員會」、「道德大多數」等更密切的關係了。
由《華盛頓時報》的這些故事，已可看出這份報紙的不容低估，儘管它在華府祇有大約10萬份的銷路，但它所擔負的，卻是極右陣營內政、外交和國防的打手、造謠及動員功能。近年來，美國加速的右傾化，該報已愈來愈成為軍情特務系統的喉舌報。由於它具有這種「新聞氣球」的功能，因而日益受到媒體研究者的注意。該報在意識形態上宣揚猶太主義和基督教基本教義，主張美國應嚴防撒旦的影響與破壞。它在散布的，乃是比冷戰還要可怕的思想。
也正因此，《華盛頓時報》對美國究竟是好是壞，其實是大可商榷的。東方的法西斯主義已在漸漸退卻，但它卻在美國找到了新的寄主，並得以快速的繁殖開來。美國極右當道，這是20年前不可思議的事情，而現在卻已見怪不怪。美國政治自由和民主素質正快速倒退，《華盛頓時報》實在是始作俑者！(新新聞 http://www.new7.com.tw) (tJ)
這份報紙改寫了美國報業史的許多紀錄：
其一，在美國教會史上，1879年出現了一個由艾迪夫人（Mrs. Mary Baker Eddy. 1821-1910）所創的新興非正統教會「基督教科學會」，在當時被視為異端。該教會於1908年創立《基督教科學箴言報》，有了媒體的支撐，它的正當性和教勢遂取得了極佳的戰略位置，因而得以持續成長，《基督教科學箴言報》後來演變為一個頗受尊敬的溫和保守派報紙。而《華盛頓時報》則是由南韓人文鮮明創設的「統一教」所辦。該教會也因為報紙的緣故，而開始和美國政治主流掛鉤，並因而取得了教會在美國立足的正當性。小教派而辦報，《華盛頓時報》是繼《基督教科學箴言報》之後的第二個特例。
其二，《基督教科學箴言報》所繼承的仍是西方文明的中庸精神，但《華盛頓時報》則不然。它將日本戰前的反共軍國主義與戰後東亞的冷戰意識形態熔為一爐，而後和美國新崛起的基督教極右保守主義混合。因此這份報紙超級好戰，並整個顛覆了美國報業客觀公正的傳統。它為了目的而可以不擇手段的製造謠言，進行人身攻擊，儼然成了美國極右派的打手兼傳聲筒。曾在統一教裡做過幹部的哈山（Steve Hassan）即說過：「該報與保守主義無關，它是法西斯主義。」
其三，「統一教」在1970年代美國越戰失敗的思想真空期進入美國，將東方反共法西斯的思想帶進了美國，使得美國極右翼找到了這個來自東方的盟友，因而從深層的意識形態而言，《華盛頓時報》所代表的，乃是西方保守主義的東方化，因而東方政治裡那些丟棄都還來不及的元素，遂一點點的被滲透進了美國人的心靈中。整個美國的政治生態遂一步步的加速出現「返祖現象」。今天美國有所謂「負面競選術」（Negative Campaign）之說，它始於1988年老布希對民主黨候選人杜凱吉斯的大選之役。在那次大選中，最早用卑鄙下流手段對付杜凱吉斯的，就是《華盛頓時報》。
美國極右派的「機關報」
由於《華盛頓時報》具有改變美國政治及媒體生態的作用，因而在過去10多年裡，它儼然已成了美國極右派的機關報。雷根曾說過他「每日必讀該報」，而老布希則曾在白宮私宴該報總編輯普魯頓（Wesley Pruden），稱許該報「極有價值，我每天必看」。文鮮明自己曾宣稱，該報在美國大大小小1750家報紙裡，為「三大具有影響力的報紙之一」，這當然是自吹自擂。但該報具有相當大的影響力仍毋庸置疑。
而有關《華盛頓時報》的故事，當然得從統一教及其教主文鮮明說起。
文鮮明，1920年1月6日出生於朝鮮半島西北部的一個基督教家庭，以目前南北韓的疆界而分，他應算為北韓人。第二次大戰之後，他到朝鮮半島南部，進入一個稱為 Israel Suowon 的小型崇拜團體。但該團體被認為涉及不當性行為及乖僻之教義，南部無法立足，他遂返回北方，但被捕兩次並入獄，韓戰爆發時，他正在北韓坐牢，美軍一度打到北邊，他因而出獄。韓戰結束，他輾轉又到南韓，並於1954年創設統一教。
統一教初創時並不順利，但1961年卻顯然是文鮮明時來運轉的關鍵之年。這一年，南韓總理金鐘泌奉命成立「南韓中央情報局」，拉攏文鮮明的統一教為其統戰之外圍機構。於是，文鮮明遂赴日本活動，和曾經是侵華戰爭前鋒的的川良一及兒玉譽士夫等結識，並展開了長期的合作。
川良一，戰前日本國粹黨總裁，認為日本侵華具有正當性。他於戰後被列為一級戰犯，囚禁於巢鴨監獄，昭和23年獲釋，1995年卒，享年96歲。
兒玉譽士夫，1911年生，堅信天皇中心主義，為激進愛國黨主幹。日本侵華戰爭期間，他在上海成立「兒玉機關」，為海軍本部進行物資和情報調度等工作，戰後亦被列為一級戰犯。他與川良一為上海時期之工作夥伴。根據美國方面的調查研究，1960年代初，文鮮明奉南韓中央情報局之命而赴日活動，與日本極右翼有極頻繁的合作經驗，對1960年代東亞的「亞盟」及「世盟」等反共組織之活動出力極多。當時台灣也是這些活動的主要據點，一個韓日極右聯盟的組合也因此而形成。
視捏造新聞為當然
當文鮮明的統一教在亞洲的活動已趨正常後，1964年，出身於南韓中央情報局，曾任駐美武官，後來成為文鮮明親信的朴柏希（Bo Hi Pak，譯音）赴美成立了一個自由基金會，這是統一教赴美的開始，也是後來演變為「南韓門」有關南韓對美遊說工作大規模展開的濫觴。
從1960至70年代，文鮮明雖然挾帶著超級財力與人力赴美傳教兼搞政治遊說，據稱最誇張的時候，他的遊說員裡有300多名美女工作。但在這個階段，卻也是它最受非議、阻力也最大的階段：
在宗教上，統一教祇能算是一個新興的「崇拜團體」（Cult），並不能算是嚴格的獨立教會，因而對美國的主流宗教，它遂被視為異端。加以它的傳教活動奇特，有關性不當的傳言亦繪聲繪影不斷傳出：還有它那種招牌式的集體結婚儀式亦讓人側目，凡此種種皆使得統一教在美國的活動備受爭議，也受到美國軍事情報局方面的反覆調查。
在政治行為上，1960至70年代，乃是美國主流價值仍相當穩定的時刻，保守的右翼雖已崛起，但勢力尚未鼎盛，因而美國對外國的遊說也管控甚嚴。像南韓如此這般大張旗鼓的遊說及政治活動，當然也讓多數美國人及美國政府機關不以為然。因而遂於1978年爆發由國會提出的「南韓門」調查事件，而文鮮明那種金錢多得花不完的黑白道關係，當然也受到美國情治特務系統的嚴密監控。
根據美國軍情局的調查，文鮮明除了與日本黑道極右派來往密切外，也和北韓金日成、金正日父子有金錢來往，例如他曾處理掉在美國費城的一項房地產投資，獲利300萬美元，即將這筆獲利輾轉經過香港的一家華人銀行送到三星集團手中，而後又被送進北韓，做為對金日成的生日賀禮。美國軍情局的這些指控究竟是真是假，極難判定，但這至少顯示出美國情治特務系統對他的注意，演變到後來，甚至成為對他的財務之監控。1982年他並因為逃稅而被起訴，判刑1年6個月。
或許正因1960至70年代的這些挫折，於是，就在1982年他被逃稅判刑這一年，文鮮明決定開辦《華盛頓時報》。根據美國對該報長期觀察的人士指出，《華盛頓時報》乃是一個關係極為複雜的報紙：
——在控股關係上，它的上級乃是一個由文鮮明的親信所組的「新世紀傳播公司」，它的3大負責人，都和南韓中央情報局有著密切的關係。
——在經營上，它在創報之初曾信誓旦旦宣稱將依新聞專業原則辦報，但實質上則是統一教對該報嚴重的予以例行干擾。因而該報的創始總編輯兼發行人魏南（James Whelan）、總主筆契斯雪爾（William Cheshire）以及許多工作者皆先後離職。離職員工最受不了的，乃是他們對捏造新聞根本無所謂的視之為當然。
積極介入干預美國政治
而除了上述問題外，文鮮明創辦《華盛頓時報》後，有了這項傳播利器，他遂利用這份報紙，更積極的介入美國內部政治。其犖犖大者有如下數端：
例如，在1982年美國對雷根政府的「伊朗尼遊案」展開調查，該報遂藉機表態，全力為雷根政府的違法亂紀曲意辯護，並對獨立調查的檢察官瓦許（Lawrence Walsh）展開抨擊。當一個政府違法亂紀還會被人讚揚，美國保守派日益倒退遂告出現。
例如，1988年美國總統大選，共和黨的老布希和民主黨的杜凱吉斯對壘，最初杜凱吉斯領先至少兩位數，但該報全力支持老布希，因而造謠說杜凱吉斯有家族遺傳精神病。這是1988年大選卑鄙的「負面競選術」之開始，在為達目的而不擇手段之下，杜凱吉斯被徹底抹黑，因而造成美國選舉史上從未曾有的「Ｕ型大逆轉」。經過該次選舉後，共和黨可以說已被進一步的往法西斯化的方向拖跩了下去。
例如，1992年美國大選，柯林頓對老布希，《華盛頓時報》公開的造謠說柯林頓是「俄國間諜」，幸而柯林頓不是老實的杜凱吉斯，最後還是獲得勝利，但由此已可看出該報手段骯髒的程度。
因此，文鮮明有了《華盛頓時報》後，東方式的那種反共法西斯作風，已透過該報而像基因轉殖般的一點一點滲入到美國共和黨內。據該報觀察者克拉克遜（Fred Clarkson）、白瑞（Robert Parry）等人所述，這份報紙每年要花掉文鮮明大約1億美元，但他所得到的意識形態影響力卻難以估計。他們並指出，在過去長期以來，文鮮明並透過種種方式，大約捐獻給布希家族1000萬美元的政治獻金，當然更別說它和保守派動員組織如「保守派政治行動委員會」、「道德大多數」等更密切的關係了。
由《華盛頓時報》的這些故事，已可看出這份報紙的不容低估，儘管它在華府祇有大約10萬份的銷路，但它所擔負的，卻是極右陣營內政、外交和國防的打手、造謠及動員功能。近年來，美國加速的右傾化，該報已愈來愈成為軍情特務系統的喉舌報。由於它具有這種「新聞氣球」的功能，因而日益受到媒體研究者的注意。該報在意識形態上宣揚猶太主義和基督教基本教義，主張美國應嚴防撒旦的影響與破壞。它在散布的，乃是比冷戰還要可怕的思想。
也正因此，《華盛頓時報》對美國究竟是好是壞，其實是大可商榷的。東方的法西斯主義已在漸漸退卻，但它卻在美國找到了新的寄主，並得以快速的繁殖開來。美國極右當道，這是20年前不可思議的事情，而現在卻已見怪不怪。美國政治自由和民主素質正快速倒退，《華盛頓時報》實在是始作俑者！(新新聞 http://www.new7.com.tw) (tJ)
荒诞无耻的统一教
教主文鲜明与统一教的创立
统一教全称为“世界基督教统一神灵协会”（或译为“世界基督教联合神灵协会”）。教主是韩国人文鲜明（Moon Sun Myung),因此之故,西方人称该教信徒为“文派”(Moonies)。因此具有极浓厚的东方色彩，故又有些人称之为“东方的基督教”。 一些国家和地区的政府、媒体、基督教会和民众则视之为“邪教”。
据统一教资料介绍，文鲜明原名“文鲜龙”，男，1920年1月6日出生于被日本占领的朝鲜平壤平安北道定州郡德彦面上思里2221番地一个农民家庭。曾祖父名文善玉，祖父名文致国，父亲名文庆裕，母亲名金庆继。有一兄、六姐妹。他10岁时，全家加入基督教长老会。
1927年至1941年，文鲜明在朝鲜读书，1941年4月至1943年9月，在日本早稻田大学附属高等工学校读电气科，并产生了参加朝鲜独立斗争的想法。1943年10月回国。1944年初在朝鲜京城土木建筑会社任电气技师，并追随一位“弥赛亚运动”的领袖、“救世主”金百文，在金氏创办的“以色列修道院”修道6个月。在此期间，他对基督教教义进行“探索”，悟出了一套称之为“原理”的 “新真理”。同年，他与第一位妻子结婚，并改名为“文鲜明”。
文鲜明自称在16岁时复活节那天（既1936年4月17日）早晨在山头祈祷时，耶稣向他显圣，与他谈论世界和教会的情况，派他去完成耶稣未竟的使命，在地球上建立一各“地上天国”。他在朝鲜进行传道。1944年10月因抗日被捕入狱。1945年8月日本投降后，获释，恢复在京城土木建筑会社的工作。1945年10月在汉城上道洞礼拜堂任助理传教士。1946年创办“广海教会”同年8月因涉嫌奸淫罪被朝鲜政府拘捕下狱，不久被释放。1948年因传播“异端邪说”被朝鲜长老会开除会籍。同年2月，自称因所谓反对朝鲜劳动党领导的政权（实际上是因被指控犯了奸淫罪）而被判刑5年。朝鲜战争爆发后，盟军于1950年10月在仁川登路，打过三八线，他于1951年8月获释，随大批难民逃往釜山。到釜山后，重新传教，编著圣歌《在烦恼的心中》，并获得第一批信徒。
1954年5月1日，文鲜明在韩国汉城创立“世界基督教统一神灵协会”既统一教并于同年与第一位妻子离婚。1955年7月13日，文鲜明与其他几个教会头目被汉城警方逮捕，被叛入狱3个月罪名起初是“逃兵役”，后改为“集体歼淫”。同年10月4日获无罪释放。1956年，文鲜明著《原理解释》。1957年发表第一部《神圣原则》，这部著作是统一教教义的基础。同年，他派谴弟子到韩国城乡进行了为期40天的传教活动，年底在韩国30多个城乡进行了为期40天的传教活动，年底在韩国30多个城市设立了支部。但不久因传播“异端信仰”、违背韩国善良风俗，文鲜明被警方收押，统一教遭到全面禁止。
统一教的传播
一年后，文鲜明开始向国外宣教。1958年，他派一弟子到日本传教，次年在日本建立教会组织。1959年又派另一弟子到美国传教。1960年4月，他与17岁的韩鹤子结婚，并一起远度重洋到美国谋求发展，试图重建统一教。1971年，在美国定居，1973年在美国建立统一教总部。
该教内部将此后传教活动分为数个“七年路程”：
1960年至1967年为第一个七年路程，多次去日本、美国巡回布道，足迹遍40个国家和地区，会见过美国总统艾森豪威尔和尼克松，并向欧洲一些国家派谴了传教士。
1968年止1974年为第二个七年路程，多次召开反共、胜共会议。此间，进行第二次世界传教，先后到过21个国家并主持出版了《统一思想纲要》。
1975年止1980年为第三个七年路程，进行世界性传教，在美国创办《新世界》报刊，并为教徒举办集体婚礼。1975年，向127个国家和地区派出260名传教士，至次，统一教真正具被了世界规模。
1981年11月1日，文鲜明成立“统一教会历史编委会”并在世界多国召开大会，进行布道，宣传反共思想。1985年7月17日，主持召开世界大学生第二届原理研究会，有54个国家的代表参加。
在美国扎根后，文鲜明假洋人之威于1960年与韩鹤子一起重反韩国，重振韩国统一教。据《中国时报》讲，从那时起至今，统一教势力在韩国无所不在，上至政府官员，下至贩夫走卒，无不笼罩在其影响之中。甚至有人认为文鲜明是在美国外交界布下的一颗暗棋。1995年，曾打着反共旗帜的统一教，利用朝鲜争取外资的机会，重新打入朝鲜，在朝鲜北部兴建了一座大型教堂。它希望籍此机会，在朝鲜大举发展。
至1992年，统一教已在全球138个国家设立了支部，据其自称信徒总数达400万人，加上非教有的“赞助会员”，总数达7000万人之巨（据权威人士估计，信徒实际上只有3000人左右）。他们在巴西西南部的马托格拉索省“新希望大农庄”设立了总部，核心人员达300名。各洲设有“洲长”，洲下设区，区下设地区，各国设有“协会长”。
统一教之所以能够东山再起，主要原因在于它在美国立住了脚。在美国，统一教吸引了成千上万的年轻大学生。1960年，被称为“文派”的统一教信徒已在美国大学校园里形成固定的组织，他们在学校里吸收教徒，并卖花赚钱。当时，统一教在美国是公开活动的。文鲜明本人曾于1982年在纽约的麦迪逊广场花园为2100对新人“祝福”。但自从1982年在文鲜明因逃税被定罪后，邪教形象遭到了人们的广泛非议。从此，统一教既避免公开活动，将长期目标秘而不宣，并全力争取一般人对其反共言论的赞同。他们积极调整活动方式，避免在传媒中暴光，在大学校园中的传教活动也减少，在街头出售糖果、鲜花以及宣扬文鲜明教义的小贩也转而参加了该教的各种“计划”和企业。统一教捐钱给保守的政治运动，主办科学研讨会和各宗教神职人员参加的讲座会。通过这些动作，从80年代初，统一教逐渐超越“洗脑阶段”，巧妙地加入美国宗教的主流，开始为社会大众所接受。
主要教义与“统一运动”
统一教的信仰是文鲜明歪曲、改造《圣经》而“悟出”的所谓“原理”，体现在由文鲜明的助手辑录而成的《原理解释》（1957年成书）、《原理讲论》（1966年成书，又译为《原理要纲》之中。后者已译成英、中等文字，是统一教最重要的经典。
据称，文鲜明对于《圣经》上出现的一些“盲点”，作了“符合逻辑”的阐释，收服了不少知识分子。他们认为他对于神创造人类、拯救人类的过程所作的解释，有其“宇宙法则”和“历史法则”方面的跟据。
统一教教义与正统基督教有以下差别：
1.认为神是精神与物质统一的主体，神与信徒之间是一种主体与对象的授受关系，这种关系最恰当的表述就是父子之间的关系。神是无形的父母，人是实体的子女。唯有通过这种授受关系，相互作用，一切才会有所发展和成长。所以，文鲜明是信徒们的“真父”，信徒们则是文鲜明的子女。
2.否认耶稣是上帝，认为耶稣只是一个完全的人一个完成创造目的的人，而给赋予上帝的价值。他绝对不能成为神本身，也不是创造主。他以灵复活，而不是以肉体复活。
3.歪曲基督教“三为一体”的信仰。基督教认为三为一体是圣父、圣子、圣灵三为一体。而文鲜明认为应是上帝、亚当、夏娃三者结和成一体的状态，并称之为未实现的“本然的三为一体”；称圣父、圣子、圣灵三为一体只是“灵的三为一体”；要等“再临主”来了，与新妇组成“无罪家庭”，建立“灵肉的三为一体
4.否认基督的救赎全功，认为人类的堕落，是因夏娃与魔鬼发生”不伦“的性行为，从而污染了人类的血统，人类处于撒旦的控制之下，建立的是一种基于虚伪的爱的家庭。救赎的方法只有通过第二亚当基督与第二夏娃结婚生子才可以延续上帝的血统，建立无罪家庭，生无罪儿女，建立地上天国。可惜因为施洗约翰和犹太人不相信耶稣，导致耶稣未能实现救世的大功，而只完成了人类灵性的救赎，在十字架上抱憾而终。但上帝并未放弃他对人类的爱，他已在他和人类之间设立了一个中介人，他就是弥赛亚。人类灵肉得救的希望只有在弥赛亚再次降临时才能完成。
5.神化文鲜明，制造教主崇拜。宣称弥赛亚已经再次降临于韩国，他实际上就是文鲜明。《原理讲论》把《圣经》上记载的从雅各到耶稣诞生这段时间以色列人的历史分为六个时期，认为这个时期正好与从耶稣诞生到公元1930年基督教所经历的6个时期一致，进而据此推断，“再临主”应于1930年前后诞生。《原理讲论》还引用《圣经》上的比喻，认为由于犹太人已经犯下了大过，所以基督不会再次降临以色列；而韩国有过极端苦难的历史，曾经过日本等国的占领，现在民主和共产两种政权又隔三十八度经线互相对垒，“是神的前线也是撒旦的前线”，也是东亚文明互相融合的地方，所以基督将会降临到东方的韩国，文鲜明实际上就是再临的基督，他将在地上建立天国，完成耶稣未完成的救世工作。《原理讲论》总序说：“神已经在此地上，为了解决这样人生与宇宙的根本问题，差谴了一为。这为先生，就是文鲜明先生。”该书还说：再临主必须像耶稣降生那样，籍妇人生于约1917年至1930年间的韩国；再省的弥赛亚必须经过多方迫害、困难、为人类赎最，最后完成天国大业。统一教宣称，“大师超过了任何人（包括圣人和先哲），他比耶稣更伟大”。文鲜明则宣称：“十字架是基督教失败的象征”。还说“他（指上帝）存活在我的身体中，我是他的化身”，“我将征服全世界，我是你们的脑子。”
6.贩低《圣经》，认为新旧约全书只不过是一个月亮和星光的教科书，它里边多用比喻和象征，所以人们无法从中了解的旨意；而将授末日太阳原理的第三圣书即“新的真理”才适合今日科学文明的人类，人们可以从中了解上帝的旨意。与《圣经》相比，它才是最新、最完备的启示
统一教以正统基督教自居，通过对基督教教义进行“现代化”解释，宣扬“统一思想”，开展所谓“统一运动”（西方称之为“文派运动”），宣称旨在“把一切人类不均与不平等消灭，在神的旨意下建立一个地上天国。”文鲜明提出“创造宇宙神”，“实现爱的理想”，主张人“心神合一”，铲除“不平等、种族歧视”恶习，建立“共生共荣”的世界。他声称，首先要把所有的宗教、基督教各宗派统一起来，在此基础上创立一钟新的基督教。他说：“在过去的两千年中，耶稣的意志和上帝的意志遭到了严重的歪曲，基督教会处于远不能实现上帝愿望的境地。因此，为适应新弥赛亚的降临，必须创立一种新的基督教。当今的远离上帝意识的基督教会必须重新获得生命力，必须通过一种新的世界宗教的诞生，创立一种真正的基督教。因此，必须产生一种新的宗教运动”，即“统一运动，”他还认为，要实现“地上天国”的理想，光靠宗教是不行的，要积极地在思想、文化、艺术、经济、政治等方面开展全球性运动，核心是通过建立“统一家庭”，进而统一全世界的基督教以至所有宗教，最后统一所有的政治、社会制度，建立“人间天国”
统一教宣称，统一世界的希望寄在再度降临的弥赛亚——“再临主”文鲜明及上帝借文鲜明给人类的新启示《原理将论》上 。文鲜明称，耶稣在他梦中出现，指示他建立一个不受邪恶势力影响的全新的社会。他自称被上帝选为信徒的“真正教父”，他和他的信徒将使世界团结成一个和谐的神的王国。
作为建立地上天国计划的一个部分，该教在巴西马托拉索省建立了“新希望大农庄”，作为该教的地上天国基地。该农庄占地16000英母，建有一个250英母的中枢活动场所。该教还准备集资一亿美元，再买下50000英亩土地，建成66000平方米的统一教活动中心和教堂，作为全球统一教信徒的朝拜地；并筹建养殖厂、鱼粉加工厂、果树大农场和高技术工厂企业，自产粮食，以便教徒在那里生活、工作、生儿育女，在这个统一教王国内造就一种新精神、新家庭、新社会。
统一教宣传的“地上天国”思想吸引了大批知识分子，在全球形成了对文鲜明的崇拜热朝。尽管文鲜明多次因犯罪入狱一些国家和地区的政府定该教为邪教，许多家长也指责统一教诱骗青少年，制造家庭分裂，聚众淫乱，但信徒们仍然相信文鲜明是“真父母”、“先生”、再临主‘，像侍奉主一样地崇拜他，甘心受其驱使。在他们心中，文鲜明的话与所作的决定就是代表神的旨意。而“统一运动”经过50余年的苦心经营，也在世界上形成一股不可忽视的势力。
势力庞大的文氏帝国
文鲜明最关心的就是获取金钱和权利。他籍宗教为手段，经过60年的经营，攫取了巨大的经济和政治利益，在全球建立了庞大的王国，建立了许多世界性的企业、媒体、文化学术机构，在经济、政治、文化等方面影响力之大，实属罕见。阿尔温·托夫勒在其著名的《第三次浪潮》中写道：“今天约有三百万美国人属于大约一千个宗教迷信团体：其中最大的一个团体是‘联合教会’。1984年，美国司法部指控文鲜明为该组织在银行的存款利息漏税7300美元，对其课以25000美元的罚款并判处18个月的监禁。但这似乎并没有影响文鲜明的声誉，同年，他被阿根廷拉普拉塔大学授予名誉博士学位，次年，又被美国北卡罗利纳州肖伯纳大学授予神学博士学位。可见其在美洲势力之大。据说，有人见文鲜明如次神通广大，便问他：“为什么你有这么大的影响力，而不自己出来竞选总统？”文氏是这样回答的：“我不必当总统，我要做的是教全世界的总统怎样当总统。”其思想如和，可见一斑。因此，有外报评论，从统一教目前积极推进的“统一运动”来看，文鲜明的确是想成为“世界霸王”兹据有关资料，把该教在各方面的活动介绍如下：
经济方面：向经济领域进军是“统一运动”的重点之一，其方式是组建属于该教的企业集团。
据说，文教主很有经营工商业的“天才”，投资方向选的很准。此外，有很多教徒为他不计报酬地工作。因此，统一教经营企业获利甚丰，财力十分雄厚。据报道，统一教已在韩国形成庞大的企业体，拥有不动产达一兆韩元，有不少关系企业，影响力深入社会各阶层，达到令人难以置信的地步。它拥有韩国最大的一家参药工厂，一家鱼类加工厂，一家拥有造船厂和捕鱼船的公司，一些机械厂和M—16步枪、高射炮和其他武器的企业，该企业是韩国国防装备承包商。至1989年，统一教属下的公司已超过300个。据该教向韩国文公部提供的财产资料显示，它在韩国拥有的土地面积已达488.5万余坪，建筑物及大楼505栋。文鲜明个人的纳税额达8248万韩元位居韩国高纳税者前10名之列。统一教经营的“统一集团”已跻身韩国财阀集团前30名之列。前些年，韩国政府为了解决汉城居民住房难问题，在汉城近郊“一山”和“盆塘”开办新住宅区，而统一集团恰好也在该地区购进了约27坪的土地，因此，有人说该教与韩国政界的关系之深从此可见一般。韩国民众对该集团已无宗教意义的认识，而是认为它是一个拥有财产经营权的财团法人；而统一教在民众心中，更是一个令人感到神奇的组织，它不仅财大气粗，而且披着神秘的面纱。
在美国，统一教创建了数以百计的企业，从国家外交银行、一家造船厂、东西海岸的两渔业公司和圭亚那海岸的一支拥有70只渔轮的船队到《华盛顿邮报》等报纸。
在拉丁美洲的乌拉圭，该教拥有《最新消息报》和该国第三大银行——信贷银行和一处叫维托里亚-普拉扎的豪华住宅。该住宅有2500个房间和一个有1200个座位的会议厅。
统一教所属企业的技术、资金、供销等活动均通过统一运动组织跨国进行，实际上已形成一个庞大的综合性跨国经济集团。据估计，统一教在美国、日本和韩国拥有的财富共计达26亿美元，可谓富可敌国。
统一教不仅在韩国投资，而且涉足国际经济领域，承包大的国际工程。据外报报道，经文鲜明建议，从1981年开始，统一教已投资100亿日元，进行日韩对马海峡隧道的测量与勘探工作。这项工程的完成，将给整个东北亚带来重大影响。
政治方面：热衷于政治是统一教的传统。文鲜明有建立神权政治、统治全世界的野心。他曾在其演说和《神的法规》中讲，“政教分离，正中魔鬼下怀”，上帝已选定他完成耶稣未完成的任务，那就是建立一个“自动的神权政体，以统治世界”。1973年、1986年和1987年，原统一教信徒引述文鲜明的话说：“整个世界都在我掌心中，我将收复全世界”，并称：“历史将明定文牧师的地位，他的敌人，也就是美国人民和政府，将向他屈服”，“终有一天，连总统后选人也需要真父的赞助才能当选。”1987年元旦文鲜明告诉统一教信徒，他希望扩大该教在美国的政治影响力，他的目的是以“自然力量收复美国政府和人民”。原统一教职员华德曾说：“在文鲜明的运动里，并没有西方人所了解的自由、法治、个人尊严等观念的基础”。
文鲜明将他的经济帝国的丰厚利润用于政治活动和新闻、学术活动上，为达到目地不惜代价。据1985年2月法国《外交世界》透露，在过去9年中，仅该教日本分会就向该教美国总部汇去8亿美元，资助那里的政治活动。在韩国文鲜明曾出钱帮助120人竞选国会议员，他认为，只要其中有人当选，就可使他在国会里增多几分势力。1989年，文鲜明花巨资在莫斯科举办“世界和平高峰会议”，邀请各国退休总统参加，与其“共商”世界和平问题，企图以和平使者的形象扩大在世界政坛上的影响。美国前总统里根竞选总统时，文鲜明利用他在美国新闻、宗教界等方面的影响力和信徒网为里根竞选助力。统一教属下的两家报纸，在总统选举揭晓前一天，就大胆预言里根能以压倒多数的选票当选美国总统。据说，里根在事后参问文鲜明何以知道他能够当选，文氏回答说“是上帝告诉我的”。里根逐开玩笑说：“那麻烦您把他的电话号码告诉我吧！”据说，韩国前总统、铁碗强人朴正熙就是因为文鲜明能够经常见到美国总统而一直未对统一教采取行动的。
据1989年3月《美国新闻与世界报道》，文鲜明的帝国正以银弹攻势争取保守派支持。统一教及其关系企业已花费3亿美元收买政治影响力，通过发行10万份的《华盛顿时报》、新闻性周刊《洞察力》及众多由其资助的组织，成为保守派政治圈内的一大势力。文鲜明的副手前韩国武官朴普熙上校于1988年向保守派夸耀说：“我们将壮大到任何人要在美国竞选公职都得先得到我们同意。”该教还通过与基本教义团体“基督教之声”联合成立反共团体“美国自由联盟”，企图在美国保守派基督教团体内取得立足点。朴普熙甚至希望该联盟几年后能成为美国两党之外的第三党。
为了拉拢美国“新右派”宣传邮件专家维格里为该联盟效力，1987年10月，由朴普熙主持的统一教所属企业美国财产开发公司为维格里在弗吉尼亚瀑布教会拥有的一撞办公大楼支付了1006万美元。作为交换，维格里负则为《华盛顿时报》和该联盟处理邮件宣传。
从1985年起，朴普熙提供金钱给美国急进保守派青年于1983年成立的反共组织“保守行动基金会”。开始是无条件提供，但到了1987年初后者负债累累时，朴开始提出条件，“要保守行动基金会”并入美国自由联盟，并暗示该基金会创始人、信仰罗马天主教的芬哲应该该信统一教，说：“在西方，你可以信宗教，但在东方，你一定要信文鲜明。”芬哲表示拒绝后，朴便切断了对他的资助，害得“保守行动基金会”摇摇欲坠。
据外报称，统一教从1980年代初期就开始建立政治组织。1983年，成立了美国保守联盟的美国分支机构。该分支是由朴仆熙领导的世界的反共组织，曾援助尼加拉瓜反抗军，并举行会议宣扬经过淡化处理的文鲜明教规——“神论”。这些组织试图把统一教会和美国具有影响力的保守派人示的名字连在一起，企图通过这些人“使文鲜明和他的运动变为正当”。1984年，曾在里根政府武器管制与裁军总署任职一年的邱巴寻求对他的国际安全中心提供资助。朴仆熙通过美国保守联盟同意支援一个以邱巴为首的新组织“国际安全会议”，据称，该会议的目的是对抗苏联的“全球霸权”企业。这个会议吸收了里根政府的其他官员，如前武器管制与裁军署署长罗斯陶、前住联合国副代表李钦斯坦。邱巴拿到统一教的资助后，极力颂扬文鲜明对该计划的“无私承诺”，并为统一教受到媒体的所谓不公平待遇大鸣不平，说“左派共产党对它的目的和长程目标提供了错误的资讯”。
统一教通过这种银弹拉拢方法，与美国政界人物挂上了钩，在华府建立一个关系网，并与包括“传统基金会”在内的几乎每个保守派组织建立了联系。该基金会是规模最大的保守派智囊，也是里根政府重要的人才来源。80年代初，该基金会对统一教持谨慎态度，禁止工作人员或研究人员与统一教的组织有任何瓜葛或接受统一教及其资助机构提供的金钱。但随着该基金会资深研究员李钦斯坦成为国际安全会议国际咨询委员会主席，它对统一教的态度有了重大转变，同意让一些资深研究员参与统一教资助的机构，并允许工作人员参加统一教举行的会议。
在巴西统一教以银弹攻势取得了部分政府的支持。文鲜明在该教活动中心多次举办露天宴会，邀请当地政界人物和知名人士参加，并以“真父母”的名义，捐给一些市、镇几十辆崭新的救护车，还为当地知名人士提供去乌拉圭首都的豪华的旅游服务。该国已有3000余人该变原信仰，加入该教。有的官员说：“只要我们得到改善，那就是大好事”。
在乌拉圭，统一教至少投资7000万美元，在那里取得相当大的控制权、拥有银行、报纸、印刷厂、旅馆和农厂，并结交了一些政界要人。
新闻方面：文鲜明为了传播其宗教和政治观点，积极涉足新闻界，握有全球多家新闻媒体。在美国拥有《纽约市论坛报》、《洞察力》、《世界与我》以及西班牙文的《世界新闻》报和FPI 通讯社；在中东拥有《中东时报》；在韩国和日本拥有《世界日报》。
政治左倾的《华盛顿邮报》曾是美国华盛顿市势力最大的一家报纸。文鲜明见状，买下了《华盛顿星报》花重金聘请全美最好的编辑和记者，创办《华盛顿时报》，与之对垒。这是统一教打入政坛的第一个也是代价最高的行动。该报从创办自1989年已亏损2亿美元，但它在短短几年中成为有影想的媒体和保守派的重要据点之一不少参众议员和各级政府官员都受其影想。尽管该报编辑曾宣称该报政治上独力，不受统一教影想。但这个神话在1984年开始破灭，第一位主编兼发行人惠伦为抗议统一教企图直接控制该报而辞职。1987年该报社会论版主编柴夏与4位同事也因教会干预而辞职。据1989年《美国新闻与世界报道》称，统一教下属的“美国自由联盟”与该教所辖《华盛顿时报》，是美国保守派中的一大势力。
文化方面：统一教充分运用其雄厚的经济实力在文化领域扩大影响。它花费巨额金钱召开全球性的国际学术会议，邀请世界上著名学者参加，其中包括诺贝尔奖金获得者，予以最好的招待。在拉丁美洲，该教成立了“美洲社会团结协会联合会”，该联合会拥有雄厚的经济实力，曾在乌拉圭、阿根廷、玻利维亚和智利举办过多次国际研讨会“（IFC）、“国际科学统一会议” (ICUS)、“教授世界和平年会”(PWPA)、”华盛顿公共政策价值观念研究所”、“国际宗教基金会”(IFR)、“世界宗教大会”(CWR)等十几个协会或基金会。它以这些组织的名义开展活动，对全球的高级知识分子和宗教界高曾人士进行渗透。1984年，统一教在美国华盛顿召开第十三界国际科学团结大会，有42个国家的250名代表参加。次外统一教还成立了一些艺术团体和组织，如小天使舞蹈团、小天使表演艺术中心、环球芭蕾舞蹈团纽约市交响乐团以及国际艺术家协会等。文鲜明称，通过这些活动，“我们渴望在不久的将来，左右全球的政策决定。”
社会方面：本来，统一教创立出期实行男女交媾的“分血”仪式，宣称女信徒通过与教主文鲜明及男信徒的性交可以净化身上的罪性。由于这种淫乱行为备受社会非议，统一教极力否认文鲜明与女教友、男教友与女教友之间有任何淫乱行为，并将净化罪性的仪式该由文鲜明夫妇主持集体婚礼。其目的一是堵住世人之口，二是为了显示缔造新社会的愿望，关注已成为严重社会问题的家庭婚姻问题，树立良好的社会形象，最终推进教务的发展。
宗教方面：为了摆脱邪教的形象，争取正统宗教的合法性，统一教与1975年在美国纽约荷兰郡泰利镇买下“监督兄弟会学校”，并高新聘请哥伦比亚大学、杜克大学、圣若望大学、纽约复旦大学、哈佛大学、英国牛津大学、法国索邦大学等著名学府的博士前去任教，每年支付年薪达近8万美元，比一般美国大学教授年新高近一倍。该神学院是统一教培养领导人的唯一高等学府，开办的课程包括教会历史、基督教会和统一教神学及传教课程。该神学院经过12年努力，于1986年11月获得美国纽约州临时许可，可以颁发神学硕士学位。这意味着该神学院培养出来的硕士已具备合法的资格，可以到其他神学院、大学，甚至公立学校任教，借机传播该教教义，从而为统一教合法传播打下了基础。
统一教还成立了“国际宗教协会”，专门促进与基督教和其他宗教的对话。在统一教的拉拢下，一些基督教信徒、神职人员转变立场，为该教说好话。1984年7月21日文鲜明因“处心积虑地欺诈政府和妨碍司法公正，包括制造假文件和涂改文件日期进行偷税”，被纽约法院判刑入狱。美国一些宗教教派威胁说要掀起抗议浪潮。一些边缘教派认为这是严重的“宗教破坏事件”，有4000多名宗教领袖抗议司法部门给文鲜明定罪，并计划在白宫外示威。甚至有些宗教领袖提出“要同文在监狱里蹲一个星期，以捍卫美国宪法所保护的宗教自由”。统一教美国主席MOSE KURST 博士更是警告说：对文鲜明进行判决的那天对美国来说是个耻辱日，这是第一次一个世界知名的宗教人物在美国被判刑，“我们相信他是上帝借以在这个时代发挥作用的主要人物，对于诋毁这个人的国家，上帝会阻碍其发展“。由次可见统一教在美国宗教界的影响之大。
邪恶的教律教规
1.肉体乱交“洗礼”统一教之所以被基督教界当成邪教，并在许多国家广受非议，原因之一是就是在教内搞性乱交。
文鲜明创教之初，受韩国一个称为“淫棍派”的组织影响甚深，习一种阴阳交媾的“分血”礼仪，认为通过女信徒与作为再临主的教主进行性交，可以消除人类固有的罪性。所以，规定女信徒入教后，要把自己的肉体奉贤出来，与教主进行性交有人指出，统一教在刚开始时，人数不多，“血液清洗”（即清除血液中魔鬼撒旦的遗传成分）是通过让女信徒与文鲜明发生性交来完成的。随着统一教的扩大，男性信徒也可以通过与被文鲜明“清洗”过的女性成员发生性关系获得“纯洁”。
统一教的传教者均为一对男女，男称“亚当”，女称“夏娃”。教徒入教时，首先要诵念圣父、圣子、圣妇、圣神、真父母（既文鲜明）及自己的名字和性别，然后向东西南北撒下“圣盐”。入教当天晚上，新教徒要与异性教徒同床。同床分为四个阶段：和衣共床、脱外衣共床、裸体共床、发生性关系。这种性乱交在教内美其名日“洗礼”。
文鲜明以性交方式竟对多少女信徒进行过“血液清洗”，外人无法知道。但他在创教不久就因此受到外界指责，并吃过官司。据传，文鲜明早年在汉城传道期间，因为聚合男女信徒彻夜不归，外界风传他们聚众淫乱，遭致女信徒丈夫和父兄们的怀疑，被告到衙门。1948年文鲜明在朝鲜被捕入狱。他后来对此解释说是因为从事反抗朝鲜共产党政权的活动遭到迫害，把自己打扮成反共“英雄”的模样。但研究者发现，他被捕的真正原因是在传教仪式上推行性乱交。
2.乱点“鸳鸯谱”。由于性乱交受到社会强烈指责，统一教不得不变“清洗”的仪式为由文鲜明对男女信徒指派婚姻、举行集体婚礼，进行“祝福”。
该教声称，人类的始祖亚当和夏娃没有结婚吃下了禁果，因此被上帝逐出了伊甸乐园，所以，人类必须赎罪。要赎罪，就必须经过由教主文鲜明主持的结婚仪式，接受其“祝福”，这样才能获得净血而“重生”入教前的婚姻无效，必须由教主重新祝福才能取得正式资格。因此，许多未婚男女信徒和入教前已结婚的信徒都热切盼望参加集体婚礼。这种集体婚礼与一般集体婚礼不同，“新婚夫妇”们都是教徒他们中许多人不是因自由恋爱，也不是一般人介绍而结婚，而是由教主文鲜明“乱点鸳鸯谱”指配跨国婚姻而成。配对“祝福”过程如下：
事先通知全球各地的下属教会举荐接受“祝福”的人选。入选人由教会统一组织参加“灵修班”学习统一教教义、贞洁及家庭理论等课程，了界参加“祝福”的意义，承诺“不淫乱”、杜绝婚前或婚后性关系，并表示接受文鲜明的指配，做好结婚前的心里准备。
“祝福”时间一般不预先通知“新人”。据1988年参加在韩国举行的集体婚礼的一为中国台湾的女士回忆说，婚配在一个大会场上举行，每个等待配对的人胸前都挂有一个名牌，上面写明其年龄、国籍等情况。由与人数太多，文鲜明先叫亚洲地区的女孩站起来。他看着每个人胸前名牌上的资料情况，一一指配某某女与某某男为一对。配完对的男女赶紧离开会场，给未配对的人腾出地方。三天后才举行正式的结婚仪式。这为台湾女士被教主指配的“丈夫”是为美国人。当天由文鲜明指配成婚的夫妇共有1200多对！
按照教规，配对后的“夫妇”如果在3天之内对对方不满意，可以拒绝，但很少有人拒绝教主之命。据说，配对失败率才百分之几。教义还规定，新婚夫妇婚后必须度过40天的禁欲期方可进入洞房。但是，由于异国配对比例较高，“夫妻”之间有语言障碍要克服，且工作地点往往不在一地，所以他们在婚礼之后很少马上组成家庭，一般是在经过两三年的交往之后才正式成家。如果夫妇俩结婚后仍专职从事教会工作，就一起住在教会准备的宿舍里。
如果教徒不由文教主指配婚姻，那么就得不到其“祝福”，而得不到“祝福”对于教徒们来说，是一件非常严重和遗憾的事。
文鲜明与韩鹤子的婚姻被称为教内的“圣婚”。统一教最早一次集体婚礼于1960年4月16日开始，当时有3对夫妇。以后每年都在韩国举行次类活动。1965年4月有35对新人成婚。至1992年11月，发展到国际配婚“祝福”，至此，文鲜明已为来自85个国家的11000余对男女“祝福”。1995年8月25日，统一教在汉城举行“世界文化暨体育大庆典”，包括国际会议、青年体育活动、艺术公演等项内容，“理想家庭祝福庆典”既是其中的一部分。在此庆典上，文鲜明及其妻子为全球325000对新人“祝福”此举被称为有史以来最为盛大的一次集体婚礼。参加婚配者很少数是由自由恋爱结合的，决大多数是在婚礼前的一星期，由文鲜明根据一张一张木板上悬挂的照片，对各国教徒中的适婚者进行配对成就“姻缘”的，夫妻之间在此前根本就没有见过面。当日，在汉城奥运体育馆有35000对新人现场接受“祝福另外近30万对夫妇则在同一时间，通过卫星转播，在各地统一教会支部，由文鲜明证婚。据报道，文氏夫妇身穿金边白袍，头带冠冕，手挽手，在台上主持整个仪式。文鲜明通过扩音器问他们：“你们愿意吗？”35000对新人齐声答：“我愿意”。文鲜明要求他们当着上天和世人的面许下持守圣洁的永恒誓约，并努力以“为对方而活的真爱精神建立理想家庭。由于婚配对象来自天南海北，只有少数新人夫妇同时到场，共同接受“祝福”，绝大多数新人只能手捧着“另一半”的照片充数，但他们也感到幸福已极！仪式结束后，文氏夫妇二人离开，全场新人齐呼“谢谢您”。大会组织者放出数千只和平鸽和五彩缤纷的气球。一些新人一面向教主挥手，一面感动得热泪盈眶。
文鲜明认为，通过这样的结婚方式，可以建立“理想家庭”，达到“血统的转变”，融合种族差异，最终有于世界和平。一些教徒亦认为，社会上离婚率高居不下，看多了亲友的离婚悲剧，特别想找到保持婚姻的途径，相信“文牧师”具有凡人无法洞悉的知人能力，能够为他们找到价值观一致、尊重婚姻的另一半，这比凡人自己配对来得好，所以愿意将婚姻权交给“真父母”。他们说，一旦结婚，按照教义“为别人而活”，先生为太太活，太太为先生活，则少离婚。但外界却不以为然，认为统一教是个淫乱集团。所以，有时这种哗众取宠的闹剧也会碰钉子。
1996年1月文鲜明在菲律宾马尼拉国际会议中心为984对新人举行集体婚礼。新郎全部来自韩国，新娘全部是菲律宾人。婚礼现场看不到一丝喜庆气氛，新娘们身穿婚纱，神色凝重，而新郎们则显得满不在乎。婚礼一结束，新郎们马上搭乘包机回韩国。菲律宾移民局和国调局怀疑这一奇怪的集体婚礼只不过是非法招募菲国女劳动力进入韩国的晃子，新娘们一旦得以进入韩国，将从事家佣或其他不光彩的行当。该国有关部门进行调查发现，新娘们在参加集体婚礼之前，参加了统一教的为期半年的讲习班，并被告知到韩国后必须自食其力，教会还向她们保证婚后不会有未经她们同意的性生活。据菲律宾驻韩国使馆发回的报告称，每为韩国新郎向教会支付了2000美元的手续费，而他们中许多人只不过想要一个家佣或性伴侣。针对这种情况，菲律宾当局下令无限期禁止984名本国新娘离境，并要求统一教立即提供证明婚礼合法性的法律文件，结果遭到该教拒绝，双方僵持不下。以往能顺利办妥赴韩国探亲手续的菲国新娘们，此次难以成行了。
近年，为了广泛宣传所谓“理想家庭”观念，统一教放宽了参加家庭庆典的条件，规定不论宗教信仰如何，不论是否已婚，只要认同其“理想家庭”的理念，事先填表，均可参加庆典。该教下属场商还向参加者提供婚纱和部份礼品，以吸引人参加。1995年8月25日，台湾地区参加理想家庭祝福大典的8000对夫妇中，就有7500多对是已婚夫妇，其余400多对夫妇是由文鲜明“介绍的。
教主文鲜明与统一教的创立
统一教全称为“世界基督教统一神灵协会”（或译为“世界基督教联合神灵协会”）。教主是韩国人文鲜明（Moon Sun Myung),因此之故,西方人称该教信徒为“文派”(Moonies)。因此具有极浓厚的东方色彩，故又有些人称之为“东方的基督教”。 一些国家和地区的政府、媒体、基督教会和民众则视之为“邪教”。
据统一教资料介绍，文鲜明原名“文鲜龙”，男，1920年1月6日出生于被日本占领的朝鲜平壤平安北道定州郡德彦面上思里2221番地一个农民家庭。曾祖父名文善玉，祖父名文致国，父亲名文庆裕，母亲名金庆继。有一兄、六姐妹。他10岁时，全家加入基督教长老会。
1927年至1941年，文鲜明在朝鲜读书，1941年4月至1943年9月，在日本早稻田大学附属高等工学校读电气科，并产生了参加朝鲜独立斗争的想法。1943年10月回国。1944年初在朝鲜京城土木建筑会社任电气技师，并追随一位“弥赛亚运动”的领袖、“救世主”金百文，在金氏创办的“以色列修道院”修道6个月。在此期间，他对基督教教义进行“探索”，悟出了一套称之为“原理”的 “新真理”。同年，他与第一位妻子结婚，并改名为“文鲜明”。
文鲜明自称在16岁时复活节那天（既1936年4月17日）早晨在山头祈祷时，耶稣向他显圣，与他谈论世界和教会的情况，派他去完成耶稣未竟的使命，在地球上建立一各“地上天国”。他在朝鲜进行传道。1944年10月因抗日被捕入狱。1945年8月日本投降后，获释，恢复在京城土木建筑会社的工作。1945年10月在汉城上道洞礼拜堂任助理传教士。1946年创办“广海教会”同年8月因涉嫌奸淫罪被朝鲜政府拘捕下狱，不久被释放。1948年因传播“异端邪说”被朝鲜长老会开除会籍。同年2月，自称因所谓反对朝鲜劳动党领导的政权（实际上是因被指控犯了奸淫罪）而被判刑5年。朝鲜战争爆发后，盟军于1950年10月在仁川登路，打过三八线，他于1951年8月获释，随大批难民逃往釜山。到釜山后，重新传教，编著圣歌《在烦恼的心中》，并获得第一批信徒。
1954年5月1日，文鲜明在韩国汉城创立“世界基督教统一神灵协会”既统一教并于同年与第一位妻子离婚。1955年7月13日，文鲜明与其他几个教会头目被汉城警方逮捕，被叛入狱3个月罪名起初是“逃兵役”，后改为“集体歼淫”。同年10月4日获无罪释放。1956年，文鲜明著《原理解释》。1957年发表第一部《神圣原则》，这部著作是统一教教义的基础。同年，他派谴弟子到韩国城乡进行了为期40天的传教活动，年底在韩国30多个城乡进行了为期40天的传教活动，年底在韩国30多个城市设立了支部。但不久因传播“异端信仰”、违背韩国善良风俗，文鲜明被警方收押，统一教遭到全面禁止。
统一教的传播
一年后，文鲜明开始向国外宣教。1958年，他派一弟子到日本传教，次年在日本建立教会组织。1959年又派另一弟子到美国传教。1960年4月，他与17岁的韩鹤子结婚，并一起远度重洋到美国谋求发展，试图重建统一教。1971年，在美国定居，1973年在美国建立统一教总部。
该教内部将此后传教活动分为数个“七年路程”：
1960年至1967年为第一个七年路程，多次去日本、美国巡回布道，足迹遍40个国家和地区，会见过美国总统艾森豪威尔和尼克松，并向欧洲一些国家派谴了传教士。
1968年止1974年为第二个七年路程，多次召开反共、胜共会议。此间，进行第二次世界传教，先后到过21个国家并主持出版了《统一思想纲要》。
1975年止1980年为第三个七年路程，进行世界性传教，在美国创办《新世界》报刊，并为教徒举办集体婚礼。1975年，向127个国家和地区派出260名传教士，至次，统一教真正具被了世界规模。
1981年11月1日，文鲜明成立“统一教会历史编委会”并在世界多国召开大会，进行布道，宣传反共思想。1985年7月17日，主持召开世界大学生第二届原理研究会，有54个国家的代表参加。
在美国扎根后，文鲜明假洋人之威于1960年与韩鹤子一起重反韩国，重振韩国统一教。据《中国时报》讲，从那时起至今，统一教势力在韩国无所不在，上至政府官员，下至贩夫走卒，无不笼罩在其影响之中。甚至有人认为文鲜明是在美国外交界布下的一颗暗棋。1995年，曾打着反共旗帜的统一教，利用朝鲜争取外资的机会，重新打入朝鲜，在朝鲜北部兴建了一座大型教堂。它希望籍此机会，在朝鲜大举发展。
至1992年，统一教已在全球138个国家设立了支部，据其自称信徒总数达400万人，加上非教有的“赞助会员”，总数达7000万人之巨（据权威人士估计，信徒实际上只有3000人左右）。他们在巴西西南部的马托格拉索省“新希望大农庄”设立了总部，核心人员达300名。各洲设有“洲长”，洲下设区，区下设地区，各国设有“协会长”。
统一教之所以能够东山再起，主要原因在于它在美国立住了脚。在美国，统一教吸引了成千上万的年轻大学生。1960年，被称为“文派”的统一教信徒已在美国大学校园里形成固定的组织，他们在学校里吸收教徒，并卖花赚钱。当时，统一教在美国是公开活动的。文鲜明本人曾于1982年在纽约的麦迪逊广场花园为2100对新人“祝福”。但自从1982年在文鲜明因逃税被定罪后，邪教形象遭到了人们的广泛非议。从此，统一教既避免公开活动，将长期目标秘而不宣，并全力争取一般人对其反共言论的赞同。他们积极调整活动方式，避免在传媒中暴光，在大学校园中的传教活动也减少，在街头出售糖果、鲜花以及宣扬文鲜明教义的小贩也转而参加了该教的各种“计划”和企业。统一教捐钱给保守的政治运动，主办科学研讨会和各宗教神职人员参加的讲座会。通过这些动作，从80年代初，统一教逐渐超越“洗脑阶段”，巧妙地加入美国宗教的主流，开始为社会大众所接受。
主要教义与“统一运动”
统一教的信仰是文鲜明歪曲、改造《圣经》而“悟出”的所谓“原理”，体现在由文鲜明的助手辑录而成的《原理解释》（1957年成书）、《原理讲论》（1966年成书，又译为《原理要纲》之中。后者已译成英、中等文字，是统一教最重要的经典。
据称，文鲜明对于《圣经》上出现的一些“盲点”，作了“符合逻辑”的阐释，收服了不少知识分子。他们认为他对于神创造人类、拯救人类的过程所作的解释，有其“宇宙法则”和“历史法则”方面的跟据。
统一教教义与正统基督教有以下差别：
1.认为神是精神与物质统一的主体，神与信徒之间是一种主体与对象的授受关系，这种关系最恰当的表述就是父子之间的关系。神是无形的父母，人是实体的子女。唯有通过这种授受关系，相互作用，一切才会有所发展和成长。所以，文鲜明是信徒们的“真父”，信徒们则是文鲜明的子女。
2.否认耶稣是上帝，认为耶稣只是一个完全的人一个完成创造目的的人，而给赋予上帝的价值。他绝对不能成为神本身，也不是创造主。他以灵复活，而不是以肉体复活。
3.歪曲基督教“三为一体”的信仰。基督教认为三为一体是圣父、圣子、圣灵三为一体。而文鲜明认为应是上帝、亚当、夏娃三者结和成一体的状态，并称之为未实现的“本然的三为一体”；称圣父、圣子、圣灵三为一体只是“灵的三为一体”；要等“再临主”来了，与新妇组成“无罪家庭”，建立“灵肉的三为一体
4.否认基督的救赎全功，认为人类的堕落，是因夏娃与魔鬼发生”不伦“的性行为，从而污染了人类的血统，人类处于撒旦的控制之下，建立的是一种基于虚伪的爱的家庭。救赎的方法只有通过第二亚当基督与第二夏娃结婚生子才可以延续上帝的血统，建立无罪家庭，生无罪儿女，建立地上天国。可惜因为施洗约翰和犹太人不相信耶稣，导致耶稣未能实现救世的大功，而只完成了人类灵性的救赎，在十字架上抱憾而终。但上帝并未放弃他对人类的爱，他已在他和人类之间设立了一个中介人，他就是弥赛亚。人类灵肉得救的希望只有在弥赛亚再次降临时才能完成。
5.神化文鲜明，制造教主崇拜。宣称弥赛亚已经再次降临于韩国，他实际上就是文鲜明。《原理讲论》把《圣经》上记载的从雅各到耶稣诞生这段时间以色列人的历史分为六个时期，认为这个时期正好与从耶稣诞生到公元1930年基督教所经历的6个时期一致，进而据此推断，“再临主”应于1930年前后诞生。《原理讲论》还引用《圣经》上的比喻，认为由于犹太人已经犯下了大过，所以基督不会再次降临以色列；而韩国有过极端苦难的历史，曾经过日本等国的占领，现在民主和共产两种政权又隔三十八度经线互相对垒，“是神的前线也是撒旦的前线”，也是东亚文明互相融合的地方，所以基督将会降临到东方的韩国，文鲜明实际上就是再临的基督，他将在地上建立天国，完成耶稣未完成的救世工作。《原理讲论》总序说：“神已经在此地上，为了解决这样人生与宇宙的根本问题，差谴了一为。这为先生，就是文鲜明先生。”该书还说：再临主必须像耶稣降生那样，籍妇人生于约1917年至1930年间的韩国；再省的弥赛亚必须经过多方迫害、困难、为人类赎最，最后完成天国大业。统一教宣称，“大师超过了任何人（包括圣人和先哲），他比耶稣更伟大”。文鲜明则宣称：“十字架是基督教失败的象征”。还说“他（指上帝）存活在我的身体中，我是他的化身”，“我将征服全世界，我是你们的脑子。”
6.贩低《圣经》，认为新旧约全书只不过是一个月亮和星光的教科书，它里边多用比喻和象征，所以人们无法从中了解的旨意；而将授末日太阳原理的第三圣书即“新的真理”才适合今日科学文明的人类，人们可以从中了解上帝的旨意。与《圣经》相比，它才是最新、最完备的启示
统一教以正统基督教自居，通过对基督教教义进行“现代化”解释，宣扬“统一思想”，开展所谓“统一运动”（西方称之为“文派运动”），宣称旨在“把一切人类不均与不平等消灭，在神的旨意下建立一个地上天国。”文鲜明提出“创造宇宙神”，“实现爱的理想”，主张人“心神合一”，铲除“不平等、种族歧视”恶习，建立“共生共荣”的世界。他声称，首先要把所有的宗教、基督教各宗派统一起来，在此基础上创立一钟新的基督教。他说：“在过去的两千年中，耶稣的意志和上帝的意志遭到了严重的歪曲，基督教会处于远不能实现上帝愿望的境地。因此，为适应新弥赛亚的降临，必须创立一种新的基督教。当今的远离上帝意识的基督教会必须重新获得生命力，必须通过一种新的世界宗教的诞生，创立一种真正的基督教。因此，必须产生一种新的宗教运动”，即“统一运动，”他还认为，要实现“地上天国”的理想，光靠宗教是不行的，要积极地在思想、文化、艺术、经济、政治等方面开展全球性运动，核心是通过建立“统一家庭”，进而统一全世界的基督教以至所有宗教，最后统一所有的政治、社会制度，建立“人间天国”
统一教宣称，统一世界的希望寄在再度降临的弥赛亚——“再临主”文鲜明及上帝借文鲜明给人类的新启示《原理将论》上 。文鲜明称，耶稣在他梦中出现，指示他建立一个不受邪恶势力影响的全新的社会。他自称被上帝选为信徒的“真正教父”，他和他的信徒将使世界团结成一个和谐的神的王国。
作为建立地上天国计划的一个部分，该教在巴西马托拉索省建立了“新希望大农庄”，作为该教的地上天国基地。该农庄占地16000英母，建有一个250英母的中枢活动场所。该教还准备集资一亿美元，再买下50000英亩土地，建成66000平方米的统一教活动中心和教堂，作为全球统一教信徒的朝拜地；并筹建养殖厂、鱼粉加工厂、果树大农场和高技术工厂企业，自产粮食，以便教徒在那里生活、工作、生儿育女，在这个统一教王国内造就一种新精神、新家庭、新社会。
统一教宣传的“地上天国”思想吸引了大批知识分子，在全球形成了对文鲜明的崇拜热朝。尽管文鲜明多次因犯罪入狱一些国家和地区的政府定该教为邪教，许多家长也指责统一教诱骗青少年，制造家庭分裂，聚众淫乱，但信徒们仍然相信文鲜明是“真父母”、“先生”、再临主‘，像侍奉主一样地崇拜他，甘心受其驱使。在他们心中，文鲜明的话与所作的决定就是代表神的旨意。而“统一运动”经过50余年的苦心经营，也在世界上形成一股不可忽视的势力。
势力庞大的文氏帝国
文鲜明最关心的就是获取金钱和权利。他籍宗教为手段，经过60年的经营，攫取了巨大的经济和政治利益，在全球建立了庞大的王国，建立了许多世界性的企业、媒体、文化学术机构，在经济、政治、文化等方面影响力之大，实属罕见。阿尔温·托夫勒在其著名的《第三次浪潮》中写道：“今天约有三百万美国人属于大约一千个宗教迷信团体：其中最大的一个团体是‘联合教会’。1984年，美国司法部指控文鲜明为该组织在银行的存款利息漏税7300美元，对其课以25000美元的罚款并判处18个月的监禁。但这似乎并没有影响文鲜明的声誉，同年，他被阿根廷拉普拉塔大学授予名誉博士学位，次年，又被美国北卡罗利纳州肖伯纳大学授予神学博士学位。可见其在美洲势力之大。据说，有人见文鲜明如次神通广大，便问他：“为什么你有这么大的影响力，而不自己出来竞选总统？”文氏是这样回答的：“我不必当总统，我要做的是教全世界的总统怎样当总统。”其思想如和，可见一斑。因此，有外报评论，从统一教目前积极推进的“统一运动”来看，文鲜明的确是想成为“世界霸王”兹据有关资料，把该教在各方面的活动介绍如下：
经济方面：向经济领域进军是“统一运动”的重点之一，其方式是组建属于该教的企业集团。
据说，文教主很有经营工商业的“天才”，投资方向选的很准。此外，有很多教徒为他不计报酬地工作。因此，统一教经营企业获利甚丰，财力十分雄厚。据报道，统一教已在韩国形成庞大的企业体，拥有不动产达一兆韩元，有不少关系企业，影响力深入社会各阶层，达到令人难以置信的地步。它拥有韩国最大的一家参药工厂，一家鱼类加工厂，一家拥有造船厂和捕鱼船的公司，一些机械厂和M—16步枪、高射炮和其他武器的企业，该企业是韩国国防装备承包商。至1989年，统一教属下的公司已超过300个。据该教向韩国文公部提供的财产资料显示，它在韩国拥有的土地面积已达488.5万余坪，建筑物及大楼505栋。文鲜明个人的纳税额达8248万韩元位居韩国高纳税者前10名之列。统一教经营的“统一集团”已跻身韩国财阀集团前30名之列。前些年，韩国政府为了解决汉城居民住房难问题，在汉城近郊“一山”和“盆塘”开办新住宅区，而统一集团恰好也在该地区购进了约27坪的土地，因此，有人说该教与韩国政界的关系之深从此可见一般。韩国民众对该集团已无宗教意义的认识，而是认为它是一个拥有财产经营权的财团法人；而统一教在民众心中，更是一个令人感到神奇的组织，它不仅财大气粗，而且披着神秘的面纱。
在美国，统一教创建了数以百计的企业，从国家外交银行、一家造船厂、东西海岸的两渔业公司和圭亚那海岸的一支拥有70只渔轮的船队到《华盛顿邮报》等报纸。
在拉丁美洲的乌拉圭，该教拥有《最新消息报》和该国第三大银行——信贷银行和一处叫维托里亚-普拉扎的豪华住宅。该住宅有2500个房间和一个有1200个座位的会议厅。
统一教所属企业的技术、资金、供销等活动均通过统一运动组织跨国进行，实际上已形成一个庞大的综合性跨国经济集团。据估计，统一教在美国、日本和韩国拥有的财富共计达26亿美元，可谓富可敌国。
统一教不仅在韩国投资，而且涉足国际经济领域，承包大的国际工程。据外报报道，经文鲜明建议，从1981年开始，统一教已投资100亿日元，进行日韩对马海峡隧道的测量与勘探工作。这项工程的完成，将给整个东北亚带来重大影响。
政治方面：热衷于政治是统一教的传统。文鲜明有建立神权政治、统治全世界的野心。他曾在其演说和《神的法规》中讲，“政教分离，正中魔鬼下怀”，上帝已选定他完成耶稣未完成的任务，那就是建立一个“自动的神权政体，以统治世界”。1973年、1986年和1987年，原统一教信徒引述文鲜明的话说：“整个世界都在我掌心中，我将收复全世界”，并称：“历史将明定文牧师的地位，他的敌人，也就是美国人民和政府，将向他屈服”，“终有一天，连总统后选人也需要真父的赞助才能当选。”1987年元旦文鲜明告诉统一教信徒，他希望扩大该教在美国的政治影响力，他的目的是以“自然力量收复美国政府和人民”。原统一教职员华德曾说：“在文鲜明的运动里，并没有西方人所了解的自由、法治、个人尊严等观念的基础”。
文鲜明将他的经济帝国的丰厚利润用于政治活动和新闻、学术活动上，为达到目地不惜代价。据1985年2月法国《外交世界》透露，在过去9年中，仅该教日本分会就向该教美国总部汇去8亿美元，资助那里的政治活动。在韩国文鲜明曾出钱帮助120人竞选国会议员，他认为，只要其中有人当选，就可使他在国会里增多几分势力。1989年，文鲜明花巨资在莫斯科举办“世界和平高峰会议”，邀请各国退休总统参加，与其“共商”世界和平问题，企图以和平使者的形象扩大在世界政坛上的影响。美国前总统里根竞选总统时，文鲜明利用他在美国新闻、宗教界等方面的影响力和信徒网为里根竞选助力。统一教属下的两家报纸，在总统选举揭晓前一天，就大胆预言里根能以压倒多数的选票当选美国总统。据说，里根在事后参问文鲜明何以知道他能够当选，文氏回答说“是上帝告诉我的”。里根逐开玩笑说：“那麻烦您把他的电话号码告诉我吧！”据说，韩国前总统、铁碗强人朴正熙就是因为文鲜明能够经常见到美国总统而一直未对统一教采取行动的。
据1989年3月《美国新闻与世界报道》，文鲜明的帝国正以银弹攻势争取保守派支持。统一教及其关系企业已花费3亿美元收买政治影响力，通过发行10万份的《华盛顿时报》、新闻性周刊《洞察力》及众多由其资助的组织，成为保守派政治圈内的一大势力。文鲜明的副手前韩国武官朴普熙上校于1988年向保守派夸耀说：“我们将壮大到任何人要在美国竞选公职都得先得到我们同意。”该教还通过与基本教义团体“基督教之声”联合成立反共团体“美国自由联盟”，企图在美国保守派基督教团体内取得立足点。朴普熙甚至希望该联盟几年后能成为美国两党之外的第三党。
为了拉拢美国“新右派”宣传邮件专家维格里为该联盟效力，1987年10月，由朴普熙主持的统一教所属企业美国财产开发公司为维格里在弗吉尼亚瀑布教会拥有的一撞办公大楼支付了1006万美元。作为交换，维格里负则为《华盛顿时报》和该联盟处理邮件宣传。
从1985年起，朴普熙提供金钱给美国急进保守派青年于1983年成立的反共组织“保守行动基金会”。开始是无条件提供，但到了1987年初后者负债累累时，朴开始提出条件，“要保守行动基金会”并入美国自由联盟，并暗示该基金会创始人、信仰罗马天主教的芬哲应该该信统一教，说：“在西方，你可以信宗教，但在东方，你一定要信文鲜明。”芬哲表示拒绝后，朴便切断了对他的资助，害得“保守行动基金会”摇摇欲坠。
据外报称，统一教从1980年代初期就开始建立政治组织。1983年，成立了美国保守联盟的美国分支机构。该分支是由朴仆熙领导的世界的反共组织，曾援助尼加拉瓜反抗军，并举行会议宣扬经过淡化处理的文鲜明教规——“神论”。这些组织试图把统一教会和美国具有影响力的保守派人示的名字连在一起，企图通过这些人“使文鲜明和他的运动变为正当”。1984年，曾在里根政府武器管制与裁军总署任职一年的邱巴寻求对他的国际安全中心提供资助。朴仆熙通过美国保守联盟同意支援一个以邱巴为首的新组织“国际安全会议”，据称，该会议的目的是对抗苏联的“全球霸权”企业。这个会议吸收了里根政府的其他官员，如前武器管制与裁军署署长罗斯陶、前住联合国副代表李钦斯坦。邱巴拿到统一教的资助后，极力颂扬文鲜明对该计划的“无私承诺”，并为统一教受到媒体的所谓不公平待遇大鸣不平，说“左派共产党对它的目的和长程目标提供了错误的资讯”。
统一教通过这种银弹拉拢方法，与美国政界人物挂上了钩，在华府建立一个关系网，并与包括“传统基金会”在内的几乎每个保守派组织建立了联系。该基金会是规模最大的保守派智囊，也是里根政府重要的人才来源。80年代初，该基金会对统一教持谨慎态度，禁止工作人员或研究人员与统一教的组织有任何瓜葛或接受统一教及其资助机构提供的金钱。但随着该基金会资深研究员李钦斯坦成为国际安全会议国际咨询委员会主席，它对统一教的态度有了重大转变，同意让一些资深研究员参与统一教资助的机构，并允许工作人员参加统一教举行的会议。
在巴西统一教以银弹攻势取得了部分政府的支持。文鲜明在该教活动中心多次举办露天宴会，邀请当地政界人物和知名人士参加，并以“真父母”的名义，捐给一些市、镇几十辆崭新的救护车，还为当地知名人士提供去乌拉圭首都的豪华的旅游服务。该国已有3000余人该变原信仰，加入该教。有的官员说：“只要我们得到改善，那就是大好事”。
在乌拉圭，统一教至少投资7000万美元，在那里取得相当大的控制权、拥有银行、报纸、印刷厂、旅馆和农厂，并结交了一些政界要人。
新闻方面：文鲜明为了传播其宗教和政治观点，积极涉足新闻界，握有全球多家新闻媒体。在美国拥有《纽约市论坛报》、《洞察力》、《世界与我》以及西班牙文的《世界新闻》报和FPI 通讯社；在中东拥有《中东时报》；在韩国和日本拥有《世界日报》。
政治左倾的《华盛顿邮报》曾是美国华盛顿市势力最大的一家报纸。文鲜明见状，买下了《华盛顿星报》花重金聘请全美最好的编辑和记者，创办《华盛顿时报》，与之对垒。这是统一教打入政坛的第一个也是代价最高的行动。该报从创办自1989年已亏损2亿美元，但它在短短几年中成为有影想的媒体和保守派的重要据点之一不少参众议员和各级政府官员都受其影想。尽管该报编辑曾宣称该报政治上独力，不受统一教影想。但这个神话在1984年开始破灭，第一位主编兼发行人惠伦为抗议统一教企图直接控制该报而辞职。1987年该报社会论版主编柴夏与4位同事也因教会干预而辞职。据1989年《美国新闻与世界报道》称，统一教下属的“美国自由联盟”与该教所辖《华盛顿时报》，是美国保守派中的一大势力。
文化方面：统一教充分运用其雄厚的经济实力在文化领域扩大影响。它花费巨额金钱召开全球性的国际学术会议，邀请世界上著名学者参加，其中包括诺贝尔奖金获得者，予以最好的招待。在拉丁美洲，该教成立了“美洲社会团结协会联合会”，该联合会拥有雄厚的经济实力，曾在乌拉圭、阿根廷、玻利维亚和智利举办过多次国际研讨会“（IFC）、“国际科学统一会议” (ICUS)、“教授世界和平年会”(PWPA)、”华盛顿公共政策价值观念研究所”、“国际宗教基金会”(IFR)、“世界宗教大会”(CWR)等十几个协会或基金会。它以这些组织的名义开展活动，对全球的高级知识分子和宗教界高曾人士进行渗透。1984年，统一教在美国华盛顿召开第十三界国际科学团结大会，有42个国家的250名代表参加。次外统一教还成立了一些艺术团体和组织，如小天使舞蹈团、小天使表演艺术中心、环球芭蕾舞蹈团纽约市交响乐团以及国际艺术家协会等。文鲜明称，通过这些活动，“我们渴望在不久的将来，左右全球的政策决定。”
社会方面：本来，统一教创立出期实行男女交媾的“分血”仪式，宣称女信徒通过与教主文鲜明及男信徒的性交可以净化身上的罪性。由于这种淫乱行为备受社会非议，统一教极力否认文鲜明与女教友、男教友与女教友之间有任何淫乱行为，并将净化罪性的仪式该由文鲜明夫妇主持集体婚礼。其目的一是堵住世人之口，二是为了显示缔造新社会的愿望，关注已成为严重社会问题的家庭婚姻问题，树立良好的社会形象，最终推进教务的发展。
宗教方面：为了摆脱邪教的形象，争取正统宗教的合法性，统一教与1975年在美国纽约荷兰郡泰利镇买下“监督兄弟会学校”，并高新聘请哥伦比亚大学、杜克大学、圣若望大学、纽约复旦大学、哈佛大学、英国牛津大学、法国索邦大学等著名学府的博士前去任教，每年支付年薪达近8万美元，比一般美国大学教授年新高近一倍。该神学院是统一教培养领导人的唯一高等学府，开办的课程包括教会历史、基督教会和统一教神学及传教课程。该神学院经过12年努力，于1986年11月获得美国纽约州临时许可，可以颁发神学硕士学位。这意味着该神学院培养出来的硕士已具备合法的资格，可以到其他神学院、大学，甚至公立学校任教，借机传播该教教义，从而为统一教合法传播打下了基础。
统一教还成立了“国际宗教协会”，专门促进与基督教和其他宗教的对话。在统一教的拉拢下，一些基督教信徒、神职人员转变立场，为该教说好话。1984年7月21日文鲜明因“处心积虑地欺诈政府和妨碍司法公正，包括制造假文件和涂改文件日期进行偷税”，被纽约法院判刑入狱。美国一些宗教教派威胁说要掀起抗议浪潮。一些边缘教派认为这是严重的“宗教破坏事件”，有4000多名宗教领袖抗议司法部门给文鲜明定罪，并计划在白宫外示威。甚至有些宗教领袖提出“要同文在监狱里蹲一个星期，以捍卫美国宪法所保护的宗教自由”。统一教美国主席MOSE KURST 博士更是警告说：对文鲜明进行判决的那天对美国来说是个耻辱日，这是第一次一个世界知名的宗教人物在美国被判刑，“我们相信他是上帝借以在这个时代发挥作用的主要人物，对于诋毁这个人的国家，上帝会阻碍其发展“。由次可见统一教在美国宗教界的影响之大。
邪恶的教律教规
1.肉体乱交“洗礼”统一教之所以被基督教界当成邪教，并在许多国家广受非议，原因之一是就是在教内搞性乱交。
文鲜明创教之初，受韩国一个称为“淫棍派”的组织影响甚深，习一种阴阳交媾的“分血”礼仪，认为通过女信徒与作为再临主的教主进行性交，可以消除人类固有的罪性。所以，规定女信徒入教后，要把自己的肉体奉贤出来，与教主进行性交有人指出，统一教在刚开始时，人数不多，“血液清洗”（即清除血液中魔鬼撒旦的遗传成分）是通过让女信徒与文鲜明发生性交来完成的。随着统一教的扩大，男性信徒也可以通过与被文鲜明“清洗”过的女性成员发生性关系获得“纯洁”。
统一教的传教者均为一对男女，男称“亚当”，女称“夏娃”。教徒入教时，首先要诵念圣父、圣子、圣妇、圣神、真父母（既文鲜明）及自己的名字和性别，然后向东西南北撒下“圣盐”。入教当天晚上，新教徒要与异性教徒同床。同床分为四个阶段：和衣共床、脱外衣共床、裸体共床、发生性关系。这种性乱交在教内美其名日“洗礼”。
文鲜明以性交方式竟对多少女信徒进行过“血液清洗”，外人无法知道。但他在创教不久就因此受到外界指责，并吃过官司。据传，文鲜明早年在汉城传道期间，因为聚合男女信徒彻夜不归，外界风传他们聚众淫乱，遭致女信徒丈夫和父兄们的怀疑，被告到衙门。1948年文鲜明在朝鲜被捕入狱。他后来对此解释说是因为从事反抗朝鲜共产党政权的活动遭到迫害，把自己打扮成反共“英雄”的模样。但研究者发现，他被捕的真正原因是在传教仪式上推行性乱交。
2.乱点“鸳鸯谱”。由于性乱交受到社会强烈指责，统一教不得不变“清洗”的仪式为由文鲜明对男女信徒指派婚姻、举行集体婚礼，进行“祝福”。
该教声称，人类的始祖亚当和夏娃没有结婚吃下了禁果，因此被上帝逐出了伊甸乐园，所以，人类必须赎罪。要赎罪，就必须经过由教主文鲜明主持的结婚仪式，接受其“祝福”，这样才能获得净血而“重生”入教前的婚姻无效，必须由教主重新祝福才能取得正式资格。因此，许多未婚男女信徒和入教前已结婚的信徒都热切盼望参加集体婚礼。这种集体婚礼与一般集体婚礼不同，“新婚夫妇”们都是教徒他们中许多人不是因自由恋爱，也不是一般人介绍而结婚，而是由教主文鲜明“乱点鸳鸯谱”指配跨国婚姻而成。配对“祝福”过程如下：
事先通知全球各地的下属教会举荐接受“祝福”的人选。入选人由教会统一组织参加“灵修班”学习统一教教义、贞洁及家庭理论等课程，了界参加“祝福”的意义，承诺“不淫乱”、杜绝婚前或婚后性关系，并表示接受文鲜明的指配，做好结婚前的心里准备。
“祝福”时间一般不预先通知“新人”。据1988年参加在韩国举行的集体婚礼的一为中国台湾的女士回忆说，婚配在一个大会场上举行，每个等待配对的人胸前都挂有一个名牌，上面写明其年龄、国籍等情况。由与人数太多，文鲜明先叫亚洲地区的女孩站起来。他看着每个人胸前名牌上的资料情况，一一指配某某女与某某男为一对。配完对的男女赶紧离开会场，给未配对的人腾出地方。三天后才举行正式的结婚仪式。这为台湾女士被教主指配的“丈夫”是为美国人。当天由文鲜明指配成婚的夫妇共有1200多对！
按照教规，配对后的“夫妇”如果在3天之内对对方不满意，可以拒绝，但很少有人拒绝教主之命。据说，配对失败率才百分之几。教义还规定，新婚夫妇婚后必须度过40天的禁欲期方可进入洞房。但是，由于异国配对比例较高，“夫妻”之间有语言障碍要克服，且工作地点往往不在一地，所以他们在婚礼之后很少马上组成家庭，一般是在经过两三年的交往之后才正式成家。如果夫妇俩结婚后仍专职从事教会工作，就一起住在教会准备的宿舍里。
如果教徒不由文教主指配婚姻，那么就得不到其“祝福”，而得不到“祝福”对于教徒们来说，是一件非常严重和遗憾的事。
文鲜明与韩鹤子的婚姻被称为教内的“圣婚”。统一教最早一次集体婚礼于1960年4月16日开始，当时有3对夫妇。以后每年都在韩国举行次类活动。1965年4月有35对新人成婚。至1992年11月，发展到国际配婚“祝福”，至此，文鲜明已为来自85个国家的11000余对男女“祝福”。1995年8月25日，统一教在汉城举行“世界文化暨体育大庆典”，包括国际会议、青年体育活动、艺术公演等项内容，“理想家庭祝福庆典”既是其中的一部分。在此庆典上，文鲜明及其妻子为全球325000对新人“祝福”此举被称为有史以来最为盛大的一次集体婚礼。参加婚配者很少数是由自由恋爱结合的，决大多数是在婚礼前的一星期，由文鲜明根据一张一张木板上悬挂的照片，对各国教徒中的适婚者进行配对成就“姻缘”的，夫妻之间在此前根本就没有见过面。当日，在汉城奥运体育馆有35000对新人现场接受“祝福另外近30万对夫妇则在同一时间，通过卫星转播，在各地统一教会支部，由文鲜明证婚。据报道，文氏夫妇身穿金边白袍，头带冠冕，手挽手，在台上主持整个仪式。文鲜明通过扩音器问他们：“你们愿意吗？”35000对新人齐声答：“我愿意”。文鲜明要求他们当着上天和世人的面许下持守圣洁的永恒誓约，并努力以“为对方而活的真爱精神建立理想家庭。由于婚配对象来自天南海北，只有少数新人夫妇同时到场，共同接受“祝福”，绝大多数新人只能手捧着“另一半”的照片充数，但他们也感到幸福已极！仪式结束后，文氏夫妇二人离开，全场新人齐呼“谢谢您”。大会组织者放出数千只和平鸽和五彩缤纷的气球。一些新人一面向教主挥手，一面感动得热泪盈眶。
文鲜明认为，通过这样的结婚方式，可以建立“理想家庭”，达到“血统的转变”，融合种族差异，最终有于世界和平。一些教徒亦认为，社会上离婚率高居不下，看多了亲友的离婚悲剧，特别想找到保持婚姻的途径，相信“文牧师”具有凡人无法洞悉的知人能力，能够为他们找到价值观一致、尊重婚姻的另一半，这比凡人自己配对来得好，所以愿意将婚姻权交给“真父母”。他们说，一旦结婚，按照教义“为别人而活”，先生为太太活，太太为先生活，则少离婚。但外界却不以为然，认为统一教是个淫乱集团。所以，有时这种哗众取宠的闹剧也会碰钉子。
1996年1月文鲜明在菲律宾马尼拉国际会议中心为984对新人举行集体婚礼。新郎全部来自韩国，新娘全部是菲律宾人。婚礼现场看不到一丝喜庆气氛，新娘们身穿婚纱，神色凝重，而新郎们则显得满不在乎。婚礼一结束，新郎们马上搭乘包机回韩国。菲律宾移民局和国调局怀疑这一奇怪的集体婚礼只不过是非法招募菲国女劳动力进入韩国的晃子，新娘们一旦得以进入韩国，将从事家佣或其他不光彩的行当。该国有关部门进行调查发现，新娘们在参加集体婚礼之前，参加了统一教的为期半年的讲习班，并被告知到韩国后必须自食其力，教会还向她们保证婚后不会有未经她们同意的性生活。据菲律宾驻韩国使馆发回的报告称，每为韩国新郎向教会支付了2000美元的手续费，而他们中许多人只不过想要一个家佣或性伴侣。针对这种情况，菲律宾当局下令无限期禁止984名本国新娘离境，并要求统一教立即提供证明婚礼合法性的法律文件，结果遭到该教拒绝，双方僵持不下。以往能顺利办妥赴韩国探亲手续的菲国新娘们，此次难以成行了。
近年，为了广泛宣传所谓“理想家庭”观念，统一教放宽了参加家庭庆典的条件，规定不论宗教信仰如何，不论是否已婚，只要认同其“理想家庭”的理念，事先填表，均可参加庆典。该教下属场商还向参加者提供婚纱和部份礼品，以吸引人参加。1995年8月25日，台湾地区参加理想家庭祝福大典的8000对夫妇中，就有7500多对是已婚夫妇，其余400多对夫妇是由文鲜明“介绍的。
再看十多年前，美国“熊猫公司”挟20亿美元，想进入中国生产汽车，在惠州征好了土地，建起了亚洲最大的厂房，但是全世界汽车公司不谋而合，对它进行技术封锁，它拿钱就是买不到技术。中国方面也坚持让它100%外资，100%出口，国内零部件厂没有一家为它配套，最后只好关门走人。而今天，外国的设计公司像游魂一样，在中国到处飘荡，随便揽上一个小项目，甚至是小项目中的一部分，就兴高采烈。由于世界经济不景气，许多年富力强的汽车技术人才，早早就在本国退了休，出价不高就能为我所用，这是几年前可能想到的事吗？
底特律第二——“熊猫”汽车城
一九八九年六月二十七日，北京街头的枪声沉寂未久。广东惠州，曾因大亚湾核电站而名噪于世。现在，一个颇为低调的奠基仪式又在这里进行。
中方出席者是广东省副省长匡吉，奠基仪式的主持者则是一位年逾八旬的美国董事长麦克阿瑟，显然，美国人不愿在“六·四”之后的一片抗议和制裁声中过度曝光，招人唾骂。但麦克阿瑟却不知道，出于别种动机，东道主竟也有同样的念头。粤人素来精明，尤其是这个南部省份在十年改革开放中已经“坐大”，稳居“诸侯经济”的首席，他们几乎不论作出什么举动，都尽可能蹑手蹑脚，以免惊动北京。
这个不事声张的奠基仪式，标志着全国最大的一个外国独立投资项目正式开始。美国“熊猫”汽车公司——惠州“熊猫”汽车城——一个响铛铛的名字。
广东省的先斩后奏的果断行动到底还是惊动了中央。北京的反应是极之愕然，美国“熊猫”公司十年之内竟提供10亿美元巨资，首期就投放2.5亿美元，在广东惠州大亚湾独资建造一座“熊猫”汽车城，征用土地81平方公里，面积相当于五个澳门。美方在可行性报告中宣布：我们不是要建一个工厂，而是要营造一座城！公司计划1990年推出第一辆“熊猫”汽车，91年底生产5万辆，94年15万辆，15年之内年产量将是210万辆！
国务院像炸了营似的，每个办公室里都飞扬着充满惊叹的音节：“熊猫！熊猫！”，倾中央政府之力，十年来都未能有此斩获。李鹏急召匡吉进京汇报。搞这么大的项目，为什么不先同国家有关部门和汽车行业商量？我不是不同意你们办，而是希望要办好。其实，李鹏复杂的心态密码是不难破译的。赵紫阳肥沃的“自留地”——广东省，实在是手眼通天，如此辉煌的战果令人眩目，已到“功高震主”的地步。这般庞大的投资几近于“天上掉馅饼”，谁能不垂涎？只不过不能由广东省独吞，国务院如不能分一杯羹，中央集权还有什么存在意义？！
李鹏指派中国汽车工业联合公司董事长陈祖涛组成一个高级技术、法律专家团火速飞赴广东，对“熊猫”公司的背景、信用和惠州的投资环境进行秘密调查。调查结果是：“熊猫”公司董事长麦克阿瑟曾是四届总统任命的驻外大使，他出身望族，是当年朝鲜战场上美军最高司令官麦克阿瑟五星上将的亲侄子。副董事长派克，现任美国《华盛顿邮报》总裁。“熊猫”公司总裁和主要投资者则是美籍南朝鲜人查尔斯·金，而他正是南朝鲜反对党领袖金泳三的小舅子。陈祖涛起草的呈送到李鹏案头的调查报告以严密的逻辑引证认为：如此显要的人物是不可能把自己的名望和一个不可靠的公司联系在一起的。各种文件都显示出，“熊猫”确属独资企业，产品百分之百外销。查尔斯·金有20年零部件出口的贸易经验，其推销网遍及中、北美。而“熊猫”委任的厂长莱曼，曾在西德、美国建造和管理过两家年产30万辆汽车的工厂。调查报告建议中央全力支持这个超大型项目。
调查报告是8月3日呈送中南海的，在这短短的时间里就能作出如此毫不含糊的判断，实属难得。不过调查报告中忽略了一个重要细节：“熊猫”公司是一个崭新的集团，过去从无任何业绩可查。这个公司在工程破土奠基前，就纸上谈兵地制定了从1990年到2000年分三阶段的全球销售计划，真是高瞻远瞩。广东省有些官员确曾有过质疑，但公司总裁查尔斯·金说：“如果没有出口能力，我们是不会拿出几十亿美元来建厂的。”他倒也承认可行性报告中有夸大的成分，但振振有辞地说：“我们认为搞得越大越能吸引你们。”看来，这个南朝鲜人是深知中国人的文化心理的。但无论如何，这些疑点即使由陈祖涛等人指出，也不足以动摇李鹏的决心了。“六·四”之后，西方联合经济制裁，外资纷纷撤离；而“熊猫”适逢其时而来，这笔生意光政治帐的效益已无可估量。于是新华社发出电讯：“中国最大的外商独资项目，“熊猫”汽车城建设顺利……”
然而，至为可惜的是，91年的日历已所剩无多，“熊猫”汽车城仍是海市蜃楼。广东省投入基建的资金如流水一般，而“熊猫”公司许下的10亿美元却至今一个子儿也未见到。
叶选平，这位广东省地方行政首脑并无兴趣去算政治帐，这笔经济帐已经令他忧心如焚。于是，广东省通过香港的商业关系网络，独立对“熊猫”公司展开调查，遗憾的是为时已晚矣。调查结论极之骇人，查实撑起“熊猫”汽车公司这个门面的最大后台老板竟是南朝鲜“统一教”的教主文鲜忠。据知这个被称为“邪教”的组织与国际性黑社会组织有千丝万缕的联系，更与许多经济诈骗大案有洗不脱的干系。而这个无中生有的所谓“熊猫”公司，正是文鲜忠通过金泳三的小舅子查尔斯·金在美国花钱说动麦克阿瑟、派克等一干人马加盟，临时拼凑起来的集团。
广东方面如梦初醒，却不得不强咽下这颗苦果。粤省是诸侯抗税的首领，断无理由请求中央施予援手，便作出拿得起放得下的样子，拨出大量地方财政储备来填补这个“黑洞”。事已如此，想起当初国务院上下勃发的参与激情，李鹏也无话可说，只好下令将整个事件冻结，不许议论，不许报道，实行“戒严”。
至此，这座海滩上的“沙城”，就在南海舒缓的潮汐中无声无息地崩塌了。
一九八九年六月二十七日，北京街头的枪声沉寂未久。广东惠州，曾因大亚湾核电站而名噪于世。现在，一个颇为低调的奠基仪式又在这里进行。
中方出席者是广东省副省长匡吉，奠基仪式的主持者则是一位年逾八旬的美国董事长麦克阿瑟，显然，美国人不愿在“六·四”之后的一片抗议和制裁声中过度曝光，招人唾骂。但麦克阿瑟却不知道，出于别种动机，东道主竟也有同样的念头。粤人素来精明，尤其是这个南部省份在十年改革开放中已经“坐大”，稳居“诸侯经济”的首席，他们几乎不论作出什么举动，都尽可能蹑手蹑脚，以免惊动北京。
这个不事声张的奠基仪式，标志着全国最大的一个外国独立投资项目正式开始。美国“熊猫”汽车公司——惠州“熊猫”汽车城——一个响铛铛的名字。
广东省的先斩后奏的果断行动到底还是惊动了中央。北京的反应是极之愕然，美国“熊猫”公司十年之内竟提供10亿美元巨资，首期就投放2.5亿美元，在广东惠州大亚湾独资建造一座“熊猫”汽车城，征用土地81平方公里，面积相当于五个澳门。美方在可行性报告中宣布：我们不是要建一个工厂，而是要营造一座城！公司计划1990年推出第一辆“熊猫”汽车，91年底生产5万辆，94年15万辆，15年之内年产量将是210万辆！
国务院像炸了营似的，每个办公室里都飞扬着充满惊叹的音节：“熊猫！熊猫！”，倾中央政府之力，十年来都未能有此斩获。李鹏急召匡吉进京汇报。搞这么大的项目，为什么不先同国家有关部门和汽车行业商量？我不是不同意你们办，而是希望要办好。其实，李鹏复杂的心态密码是不难破译的。赵紫阳肥沃的“自留地”——广东省，实在是手眼通天，如此辉煌的战果令人眩目，已到“功高震主”的地步。这般庞大的投资几近于“天上掉馅饼”，谁能不垂涎？只不过不能由广东省独吞，国务院如不能分一杯羹，中央集权还有什么存在意义？！
李鹏指派中国汽车工业联合公司董事长陈祖涛组成一个高级技术、法律专家团火速飞赴广东，对“熊猫”公司的背景、信用和惠州的投资环境进行秘密调查。调查结果是：“熊猫”公司董事长麦克阿瑟曾是四届总统任命的驻外大使，他出身望族，是当年朝鲜战场上美军最高司令官麦克阿瑟五星上将的亲侄子。副董事长派克，现任美国《华盛顿邮报》总裁。“熊猫”公司总裁和主要投资者则是美籍南朝鲜人查尔斯·金，而他正是南朝鲜反对党领袖金泳三的小舅子。陈祖涛起草的呈送到李鹏案头的调查报告以严密的逻辑引证认为：如此显要的人物是不可能把自己的名望和一个不可靠的公司联系在一起的。各种文件都显示出，“熊猫”确属独资企业，产品百分之百外销。查尔斯·金有20年零部件出口的贸易经验，其推销网遍及中、北美。而“熊猫”委任的厂长莱曼，曾在西德、美国建造和管理过两家年产30万辆汽车的工厂。调查报告建议中央全力支持这个超大型项目。
调查报告是8月3日呈送中南海的，在这短短的时间里就能作出如此毫不含糊的判断，实属难得。不过调查报告中忽略了一个重要细节：“熊猫”公司是一个崭新的集团，过去从无任何业绩可查。这个公司在工程破土奠基前，就纸上谈兵地制定了从1990年到2000年分三阶段的全球销售计划，真是高瞻远瞩。广东省有些官员确曾有过质疑，但公司总裁查尔斯·金说：“如果没有出口能力，我们是不会拿出几十亿美元来建厂的。”他倒也承认可行性报告中有夸大的成分，但振振有辞地说：“我们认为搞得越大越能吸引你们。”看来，这个南朝鲜人是深知中国人的文化心理的。但无论如何，这些疑点即使由陈祖涛等人指出，也不足以动摇李鹏的决心了。“六·四”之后，西方联合经济制裁，外资纷纷撤离；而“熊猫”适逢其时而来，这笔生意光政治帐的效益已无可估量。于是新华社发出电讯：“中国最大的外商独资项目，“熊猫”汽车城建设顺利……”
然而，至为可惜的是，91年的日历已所剩无多，“熊猫”汽车城仍是海市蜃楼。广东省投入基建的资金如流水一般，而“熊猫”公司许下的10亿美元却至今一个子儿也未见到。
叶选平，这位广东省地方行政首脑并无兴趣去算政治帐，这笔经济帐已经令他忧心如焚。于是，广东省通过香港的商业关系网络，独立对“熊猫”公司展开调查，遗憾的是为时已晚矣。调查结论极之骇人，查实撑起“熊猫”汽车公司这个门面的最大后台老板竟是南朝鲜“统一教”的教主文鲜忠。据知这个被称为“邪教”的组织与国际性黑社会组织有千丝万缕的联系，更与许多经济诈骗大案有洗不脱的干系。而这个无中生有的所谓“熊猫”公司，正是文鲜忠通过金泳三的小舅子查尔斯·金在美国花钱说动麦克阿瑟、派克等一干人马加盟，临时拼凑起来的集团。
广东方面如梦初醒，却不得不强咽下这颗苦果。粤省是诸侯抗税的首领，断无理由请求中央施予援手，便作出拿得起放得下的样子，拨出大量地方财政储备来填补这个“黑洞”。事已如此，想起当初国务院上下勃发的参与激情，李鹏也无话可说，只好下令将整个事件冻结，不许议论，不许报道，实行“戒严”。
至此，这座海滩上的“沙城”，就在南海舒缓的潮汐中无声无息地崩塌了。
壳牌效应盘活烂尾楼
各路商家纷纷杀入惠州
南方网讯 上世纪80年代末90年代初，由于熊猫汽车城和南海石化项目的效应作用，惠州掀起房地产开发热潮，高潮时期汇集上千家房地产开发公司。但是熊猫汽车城遭遇挫折，南海石化项目迟迟不落户，在双重打击下，惠州绝大部分的房地产公司纷纷关门倒闭，仅剩下数十家勉强维持运作，给惠州市留下近百栋烂尾楼，惠州成了与海南、北海齐名的烂尾楼城市。如今，随着中海壳牌石化项目的正式奠基，当地地产市场被再度看好，各路商家纷纷杀入惠州……
11月1日，中国最大的合资项目中海壳牌石化正式奠基，曾经因为这个项目而掀起一阵房地产热潮的惠州，如今再度受到关注。据了解，惠州的房地产市场正在升温，“休克”多年的烂尾楼有望在一两年内全部盘活。
外来资金看好惠州
上世纪80年代末90年代初，惠州房地产泡沫刺痛了惠州人的心，在长达10年的时间里，惠州房地产一直在谷底徘徊。2000年，随着人们盼望已久的中海壳牌项目正式签署合同时间的逼近和国家住房政策的调整，惠州再度被看好，江苏、浙江、湖南和深圳等地的房地产商纷纷杀入惠州，与当地的房地产商一起开辟新楼盘，接手烂尾楼。目前在惠州开发地产的外地企业达30多家，占惠州房地产业的半壁江山。
从2000年开始，惠州房地产开始复苏。据惠州房地产主管部门统计，2000年惠州全市共完成房地产投资10.2967亿元，比1999年增长53%；商品房施工面积、竣工面积分别比上年增长44.6%、90.9%.当年商品房销售保持较旺的势头，销售面积50.35万平方米，比1999年增长108%.去年惠州完成房地产开发资金约10亿元，比2000年略有下降，但是依然保持平稳的发展趋势。
众商家争吃烂尾楼
前几年，惠州市的烂尾楼还是很扎眼，但是现在，除了郊区偶尔还有那么几栋外，在惠州街头已经很少能看到。记者从惠州市规划建设局了解到，惠州市区目前90%以上的烂尾楼在最近两年已经复工。
惠州烂尾楼在短时间内得到盘活的原因得益于商家看好南海石化的影响和市政府灵活而宽松的政策。惠州市根据烂尾楼的不同特点，采用一楼一策的办法，或者拍卖、或者引进有实力的公司合作，激活这些“休克”多年的楼盘。惠州烂尾楼中最棘手的是已经卖出“楼花”的楼盘。为了保护业主的利益，进行异地换房，由政府出面将该开发商或者与其挂靠、担保关系的企业在深圳、东莞等地的房产调换给业主。
与此同时，惠州对烂尾楼出台一系列的优惠政策，如对续建烂尾楼、空置房按照经济适用房标准销售的楼盘减免不动产税、契税、营业税以及土地出证金等行政收费等优惠措施。
惠州市对烂尾楼的灵活政策引来了大量外来资金，也激发了本地企业参与改造烂尾楼的兴趣。新入主的商家或者改变烂尾楼的功能，或者重新装修上市，如深圳人人乐公司接手的一栋烂尾楼已经发展成惠州最旺的大型超市。深圳丽日集团公司看好西湖边一栋大型烂尾楼，现在已经装修成一座集购物、商旅于一体的广场。当地某公司接手下铺繁华路段的一块烂尾楼，现已经改造成商贸广场，据说销价不比同类型的新楼盘低。
据了解，在本地企业和外来资金的内外夹击下，估计惠州市烂尾楼在一两年之内可以全部盘活。
周边房产市场受惠
惠州市周边城镇的房地产也在慢慢起变化。作为中海壳牌项目的所在地，大亚湾的房地产自然受其影响最大。4月10日，中海壳牌与大亚湾安惠大厦签订合约，中海壳牌将租用该大厦230套房作为员工公寓，另外租用10000平方米作为办公场所。这座历经7年才建成的大亚湾的标志性建筑物的功能也由过去的写字楼改为酒店，目前正在全面重新装修。由于目前该大厦的面积尚不能满足中海壳牌的需要，安惠计划另起一栋大楼，完善酒店的功能配套。安惠成了中海壳牌项目的第一个直接受益者。
受中海壳牌项目的影响，大亚湾资格最老的守望者———熊猫置业发展（中国）有限公司开始大规模介入房地产业，占地80多万平方米、总投资20亿元的一个房地产项目于去年12月奠基，今年底首期工程将竣工。
去年大亚湾房地产界最令人瞩目的是，21世纪不动产大亚湾整合加盟店在大亚湾正式开业。21世纪不动产是全球最大的房地产中介机构，全球500强之一，以加盟店式组成，在全球30个国家拥有6500家加盟店，其看中大亚湾，说明大亚湾房地产潜在市场肯定不小。
□小资料
中海壳牌石化
中海壳牌石化项目是迄今为止国内最大的投资项目，也是世界上生产规模最大的石化企业之一。项目合资方是英荷壳牌集团的壳牌南海私有限公司，占50%股份。项目首期总投资40.5亿美元，占地4.27平方公里，合资时间暂定为50年，年产80万吨乙烯和230多万吨石化产品，年销售额约17亿美元，内外销比例约为89∶11.一旦此项目启动，将对半径200公里以内的地区产生巨大的影响，将提供100万个就业机会，大亚湾将从现在的5万人发展成二三十万人的城市.
各路商家纷纷杀入惠州
南方网讯 上世纪80年代末90年代初，由于熊猫汽车城和南海石化项目的效应作用，惠州掀起房地产开发热潮，高潮时期汇集上千家房地产开发公司。但是熊猫汽车城遭遇挫折，南海石化项目迟迟不落户，在双重打击下，惠州绝大部分的房地产公司纷纷关门倒闭，仅剩下数十家勉强维持运作，给惠州市留下近百栋烂尾楼，惠州成了与海南、北海齐名的烂尾楼城市。如今，随着中海壳牌石化项目的正式奠基，当地地产市场被再度看好，各路商家纷纷杀入惠州……
11月1日，中国最大的合资项目中海壳牌石化正式奠基，曾经因为这个项目而掀起一阵房地产热潮的惠州，如今再度受到关注。据了解，惠州的房地产市场正在升温，“休克”多年的烂尾楼有望在一两年内全部盘活。
外来资金看好惠州
上世纪80年代末90年代初，惠州房地产泡沫刺痛了惠州人的心，在长达10年的时间里，惠州房地产一直在谷底徘徊。2000年，随着人们盼望已久的中海壳牌项目正式签署合同时间的逼近和国家住房政策的调整，惠州再度被看好，江苏、浙江、湖南和深圳等地的房地产商纷纷杀入惠州，与当地的房地产商一起开辟新楼盘，接手烂尾楼。目前在惠州开发地产的外地企业达30多家，占惠州房地产业的半壁江山。
从2000年开始，惠州房地产开始复苏。据惠州房地产主管部门统计，2000年惠州全市共完成房地产投资10.2967亿元，比1999年增长53%；商品房施工面积、竣工面积分别比上年增长44.6%、90.9%.当年商品房销售保持较旺的势头，销售面积50.35万平方米，比1999年增长108%.去年惠州完成房地产开发资金约10亿元，比2000年略有下降，但是依然保持平稳的发展趋势。
众商家争吃烂尾楼
前几年，惠州市的烂尾楼还是很扎眼，但是现在，除了郊区偶尔还有那么几栋外，在惠州街头已经很少能看到。记者从惠州市规划建设局了解到，惠州市区目前90%以上的烂尾楼在最近两年已经复工。
惠州烂尾楼在短时间内得到盘活的原因得益于商家看好南海石化的影响和市政府灵活而宽松的政策。惠州市根据烂尾楼的不同特点，采用一楼一策的办法，或者拍卖、或者引进有实力的公司合作，激活这些“休克”多年的楼盘。惠州烂尾楼中最棘手的是已经卖出“楼花”的楼盘。为了保护业主的利益，进行异地换房，由政府出面将该开发商或者与其挂靠、担保关系的企业在深圳、东莞等地的房产调换给业主。
与此同时，惠州对烂尾楼出台一系列的优惠政策，如对续建烂尾楼、空置房按照经济适用房标准销售的楼盘减免不动产税、契税、营业税以及土地出证金等行政收费等优惠措施。
惠州市对烂尾楼的灵活政策引来了大量外来资金，也激发了本地企业参与改造烂尾楼的兴趣。新入主的商家或者改变烂尾楼的功能，或者重新装修上市，如深圳人人乐公司接手的一栋烂尾楼已经发展成惠州最旺的大型超市。深圳丽日集团公司看好西湖边一栋大型烂尾楼，现在已经装修成一座集购物、商旅于一体的广场。当地某公司接手下铺繁华路段的一块烂尾楼，现已经改造成商贸广场，据说销价不比同类型的新楼盘低。
据了解，在本地企业和外来资金的内外夹击下，估计惠州市烂尾楼在一两年之内可以全部盘活。
周边房产市场受惠
惠州市周边城镇的房地产也在慢慢起变化。作为中海壳牌项目的所在地，大亚湾的房地产自然受其影响最大。4月10日，中海壳牌与大亚湾安惠大厦签订合约，中海壳牌将租用该大厦230套房作为员工公寓，另外租用10000平方米作为办公场所。这座历经7年才建成的大亚湾的标志性建筑物的功能也由过去的写字楼改为酒店，目前正在全面重新装修。由于目前该大厦的面积尚不能满足中海壳牌的需要，安惠计划另起一栋大楼，完善酒店的功能配套。安惠成了中海壳牌项目的第一个直接受益者。
受中海壳牌项目的影响，大亚湾资格最老的守望者———熊猫置业发展（中国）有限公司开始大规模介入房地产业，占地80多万平方米、总投资20亿元的一个房地产项目于去年12月奠基，今年底首期工程将竣工。
去年大亚湾房地产界最令人瞩目的是，21世纪不动产大亚湾整合加盟店在大亚湾正式开业。21世纪不动产是全球最大的房地产中介机构，全球500强之一，以加盟店式组成，在全球30个国家拥有6500家加盟店，其看中大亚湾，说明大亚湾房地产潜在市场肯定不小。
□小资料
中海壳牌石化
中海壳牌石化项目是迄今为止国内最大的投资项目，也是世界上生产规模最大的石化企业之一。项目合资方是英荷壳牌集团的壳牌南海私有限公司，占50%股份。项目首期总投资40.5亿美元，占地4.27平方公里，合资时间暂定为50年，年产80万吨乙烯和230多万吨石化产品，年销售额约17亿美元，内外销比例约为89∶11.一旦此项目启动，将对半径200公里以内的地区产生巨大的影响，将提供100万个就业机会，大亚湾将从现在的5万人发展成二三十万人的城市.
观潮——惠州大亚湾建区十周年回眸
张良臣 陈述美
借风造势好扬帆
广东省惠州大亚湾经济技术开发区位于惠州市南部，东邻汕尾，西接深圳，陆路距香港60公里，海路47海里，地处广东省经济最发达、最活跃的珠江三角洲经济区。
1991年，广东省委、省政府提出了“加快大亚湾地区的开发”、“把大亚湾地区建成大型石化、钢铁和汽车制造工业基地之一”的战略构思；同年6月，广东省政府批准成立大亚湾规划区，陆地面积265平方公里，规划目标是“惠州中心城市的重要组成部分，以发展临海型大工业为主，逐步发展远洋港口，协调发展旅游业的外向型、现代化的城市化地区”；1993年5月，国务院又在规划区范围内批准设立大亚湾经济技术开发区，面积为9.98平方公里。1990年以来，江泽民、李鹏、朱镕基、李瑞环、尉建行、乔石、杨尚昆等中央领导都先后亲临大亚湾视察工作。2000年10月28日，中国最大的中外合资项目——中海壳牌石化合营合同在北京正式签订，李鹏委员长出席了签字仪式。今年2月，这个投资40.5亿美元的石化项目正式在惠州注册成立。
那么，国家和广东省为何如此重视大亚湾这个地方呢？
大亚湾作为国家一类对外开放口岸和发展临海型大工业的重要依托条件的惠州港，具有“回淤少，水域宽、风浪小、航道短、深水岸线长、港区发展空间大”等突出优点，按规划可建深水泊位76个，中小泊位50个，货物吞吐能力可达1亿吨，客运为60万人次。京九铁路支线——惠（州）澳（头）铁路将于2002年底通车，届时惠州港将成为京九铁路南端最便捷的出海口。大亚湾现有总长50公里的城市主干道，较高标准的城市路网骨架已基本形成。供水方面，建成库容量为2300万立方米的调节水库和供水能力为9万立方米/日的自来水厂，待西枝江引水工程完工后，日供水能力可达34.5万吨。供电方面，建有11万伏变电站3座，正在筹建1座22万伏和6座11万伏变电站。此外，大亚湾开发区通讯条件也已达国内先进水平。
国内最大的中外合资项目——中海壳牌石化项目已经正式落户大亚湾开发区，该项目是世界上生产规模最大的石化企业之一，比世界第三大的新加坡裕廊化工项目规模大6倍。中海壳牌石化项目占地4.27公顷，首期投资40.5亿美元，预计到2005年正式建成投产，年产80万吨乙烯和230多万吨石化产品及副产品。产品方案为：年产25万吨低密度聚乙烯、20万吨线性低密度/高密度聚乙烯、24万吨聚丙烯、15.5万吨丁二烯、55万吨苯乙稀、25万吨环氧丙烷、32.2吨乙二醇、6万吨丙二醇、18.5万吨聚醚多元醇、29.4万吨裂解汽油。整个项目将选用国际最先进的生产技术和环保处理技术，以生产高附加值的产品并尽量减少对环境的影响。项目投产后，年销售收入达17亿美元，而需求波及效应及产出波及效应每年形成的产值可达900多亿元。目前，中海壳牌石化项目的前期各项工作进程顺利，其中征地拆迁移民安置正按计划进行，其他相关工作也正在有条不紊地进行。
自中海壳牌石化项目签定合营合同和地方辅助合同以来，许多国内外大型化工企业纷纷把目光投向了大亚湾。据统计，截止今年9月底，已先后接待来自香港、澳大利亚、美国、英国等地外商咨询76次，接待来访外商28批，其中大多是世界著名的化工企业。如世界第五大化工企业——阿托菲纳公司、日本三菱丽阳股份公司、美国杜邦公司、燕山石化股份有限公司、中国海洋石油总公司等石化行业的巨头，他们都有意向投资中海壳牌石化中下游产品项目。大项目的联动效应已开始逐步显现，“壳牌”龙头一摆，整个产业链就活了。大亚湾的发展前景十分喜人。
面对中国加入WTO和新一轮开发热潮的大好发展机遇，大亚湾开发区管委会以郑永和书记和黄光主任为首的领导班子敢于抢抓机遇，与时俱进，开拓创新，高瞻远瞩地制订了“十五”计划发展纲要，进一步明确近期重点建设“三区”的战略部署，“三区”即石油化工区、惠州港区和西部工业区。按照总体目标规划，全区将以“三区”建设为主体，最终把大亚湾建设成为石化、汽车零部件、钢铁和临港型物流基地。
惠州大亚湾石油化学工业是广东省“十五”期间重点发展的东西两翼两个石化工业基地之一，规划总面积为27.8平方公里。石化工按高起点、高标准规划，计划布置中海壳牌石化项目的80万吨乙烯项目、二期炼油项目和大约36个中下游项目以及华德石化100万立方米储油罐项目、天然气发电厂项目等，目标是建成以乙烯为龙头的高附加值、高技术含量的世界级石油化学工业区。
风正舵稳创大业
惠州大亚湾的百年发展格局奠定后，面临着无比优越的发展机遇。
天然气发电厂是我国第一个天然气利用项目LNG项目的一部分。这个项目于1998年底经国务院批准，包括天然气接收站、民用管辅设工程和天然气发电厂三大部分。其中接收站选深圳大鹏湾砰头角。民用管风铺设第一期工程在深圳、广州、东莞、佛山四个城市进行；第二扩大到珠海、中山、惠州、肇庆和江门五个城市。天然气发电厂有两个，一个选址在惠州大亚湾，总规划按200万千瓦/年设计，首期规模为100万千瓦/年，投资约为60亿元人民币（不含输变电工程）。
东风汽车城项目始建于1992年，由东风汽车集团等企业和惠州市合资建设，规划占地面积6平方公里，总投资约为30多亿元人民币，将发展成为大型汽车、摩托车零部件和组装生产基地。到目前为止已投入5亿多元人民币，建成3万平方米的装配厂房。东风本田汽车零部件公司、东风神力公司、风神惠州发展公司等相继投产。
原熊猫汽车（中国）公司自1989年落户以来，已在大亚湾投入建设资金1.1亿美元，建成16万平方米的厂房，虽然由于技术、市场等方面的原因，未能在大亚湾建成汽车城，但他们一直表示，坚持在这里完成10亿美元以上的投资。目前，该公司已更名为熊猫置业发展（中国）有限公司，将经营范围重点转向工业园区建设、房地产及土地开发。其中占地50万平方米的熊猫工业区已初步具备招商条件。
改革开放以来，广东省的轻纺、电子、食品等工业发展较快，整个产业结构出现了明显的轻型化倾向，而广东省要实现自身的经济发展目标，就必须调整和优化产业结构，缓解重工业薄弱所造成的“瓶颈”制约。为此有关方面决定在珠江三角洲适度发展重工业，重点是石化工业、汽车工业，而大亚湾开发区正好适应了这种需要。毫无疑问，中海壳牌石化项目作为技术领先型的原材料企业和迄今最大的中外合资项目，必将成为中国石化工业的“火车头”，并大幅度提高广东省利用外资水平；而大亚湾也将因此成为广东省最重要的基础工业基地之一。同时，石化工业发展必然会带来油气化工产品储运业的繁荣，以惠州港的条件，完全可以发展成为华南沿海最大的油气化工产品储运基地。目前，该港已建成使用的油气库容量为53.3万立方米，基本完工即将投入使用的有19.2万立方米，相信不用很长时间，整个惠州港的油气库容量将突破200万立方米，并将凭借这一专业优势跻身国内大港口的行列。
为贯彻落实好广东省委、省政府的战略意图，推动惠州经济快速发展，市委、市政府一直把大亚湾作为全市发展的龙头。对大亚湾寄予了更大、更多的期望，归纳起来，主要是“五个区”的功能定位，即大亚湾是惠州经济发展的龙头区，城市建设的中心区，改革开放的示范区，率先基本实现社会主义现代化的先行区，同时还是中海壳牌石化项目的所在区。近年来，惠州市委书记肖志恒、市长柳锦州等多次到大亚湾检查指导工作，现场办公，并亲自带队到上海化学工业区，南京扬子石化公司，新加坡裕廊化工区等地方实地考察，要求一定要高标准，高档次建好这一世界级石化工业区。
大亚湾的太阳每天都是新的
经过多年的开发建设，大亚湾在经济和社会发展的各个方面都发生了巨大的变化。据统计，1992年至2000年累计完成国内生产总值66.94亿元，工业总产值43.08亿元，地方财政收入4.43亿元，引进外资项目220宗，项目总投资14.6亿美元。其中2000年，实际利用外资1.2亿美元，是1992年的3.9倍；外资出口总额1.4亿美元，是1994年的32倍；港口吞吐量770万吨，是1993年的12.4倍。
作为大亚湾经济技术开发区核心工业园的响水河工业园，去年以来实现了历史性突破，园区面积扩大到4.98平方公里，职工人数已达1万人，2000年的工业产值比上年增长2.7倍。目前已建成投产企业7家；新建的智恩、粤安、盈丰、丽晶、威健、鼎富等8个项目，投资额合计7977万美元，将于年内投产；明昌、科惠、华丰、建业、鸿图、雄昱等6个项目，均已签订投资协议。另外，还有一批项目正在洽谈。在不断引进新项目的大好形势下，原有的老企业也不断增资扩产，其中宝兴钢铁厂今年已完成产值7亿元；永昶电子公司年产值已超过3亿元，去年增加了4条激光头生产线；合正电子公司增资2亿港元的项目也已获批准，去年投入了9千万港元。此外，园区基础设施建设力度不断加大，银行、邮政、电信、医疗、消防、治安保卫等方面的网点设施逐步完善，外商服务中心和磨岭公园正在紧张筹建中，一个现代化花园式工业园区的雏形已初步形成。
据大亚湾开发区管委会分管工业的胡建斌副主任介绍：预计在未来二十年内，大亚湾将发展成为一个新兴的港口工业明星城市，并以鲜明的“个性特征”屹立于粤港澳经济圈。那时的大亚湾，将成为香港的重要分流港，并与香港、深圳优势互补，组成一个世界级的主枢纽港群；将成为广东省主要的大型石化、钢铁工业基地和东部沿海工业走廊的发展核心；将成为我国兼有海洋、海岛旅游、山地探队和大工业旅游特色的重要旅游城市；还将通过两条工业走廊与惠城区连接，形成以惠州——大亚湾为中心区的功能齐全的组团式现代化城市。
十年一个里程，十年一个起点。今日的大亚湾，早已告别了昔日的荒凉与寂寞，在这片265平方公里的热土上，大小建设工地，如火如荼，一片沸腾。仲秋时节，记者到大亚湾采访，无论是与地方官员还是普通百姓交谈，他们的脸上无不洋溢着一种激情与振奋，这种感觉告诉我：大亚湾的春天就要来临，大亚湾这艘巨轮又要远航了。
大亚湾，大有希望。
《大地》 (2001年第二十一期)
张良臣 陈述美
借风造势好扬帆
广东省惠州大亚湾经济技术开发区位于惠州市南部，东邻汕尾，西接深圳，陆路距香港60公里，海路47海里，地处广东省经济最发达、最活跃的珠江三角洲经济区。
1991年，广东省委、省政府提出了“加快大亚湾地区的开发”、“把大亚湾地区建成大型石化、钢铁和汽车制造工业基地之一”的战略构思；同年6月，广东省政府批准成立大亚湾规划区，陆地面积265平方公里，规划目标是“惠州中心城市的重要组成部分，以发展临海型大工业为主，逐步发展远洋港口，协调发展旅游业的外向型、现代化的城市化地区”；1993年5月，国务院又在规划区范围内批准设立大亚湾经济技术开发区，面积为9.98平方公里。1990年以来，江泽民、李鹏、朱镕基、李瑞环、尉建行、乔石、杨尚昆等中央领导都先后亲临大亚湾视察工作。2000年10月28日，中国最大的中外合资项目——中海壳牌石化合营合同在北京正式签订，李鹏委员长出席了签字仪式。今年2月，这个投资40.5亿美元的石化项目正式在惠州注册成立。
那么，国家和广东省为何如此重视大亚湾这个地方呢？
大亚湾作为国家一类对外开放口岸和发展临海型大工业的重要依托条件的惠州港，具有“回淤少，水域宽、风浪小、航道短、深水岸线长、港区发展空间大”等突出优点，按规划可建深水泊位76个，中小泊位50个，货物吞吐能力可达1亿吨，客运为60万人次。京九铁路支线——惠（州）澳（头）铁路将于2002年底通车，届时惠州港将成为京九铁路南端最便捷的出海口。大亚湾现有总长50公里的城市主干道，较高标准的城市路网骨架已基本形成。供水方面，建成库容量为2300万立方米的调节水库和供水能力为9万立方米/日的自来水厂，待西枝江引水工程完工后，日供水能力可达34.5万吨。供电方面，建有11万伏变电站3座，正在筹建1座22万伏和6座11万伏变电站。此外，大亚湾开发区通讯条件也已达国内先进水平。
国内最大的中外合资项目——中海壳牌石化项目已经正式落户大亚湾开发区，该项目是世界上生产规模最大的石化企业之一，比世界第三大的新加坡裕廊化工项目规模大6倍。中海壳牌石化项目占地4.27公顷，首期投资40.5亿美元，预计到2005年正式建成投产，年产80万吨乙烯和230多万吨石化产品及副产品。产品方案为：年产25万吨低密度聚乙烯、20万吨线性低密度/高密度聚乙烯、24万吨聚丙烯、15.5万吨丁二烯、55万吨苯乙稀、25万吨环氧丙烷、32.2吨乙二醇、6万吨丙二醇、18.5万吨聚醚多元醇、29.4万吨裂解汽油。整个项目将选用国际最先进的生产技术和环保处理技术，以生产高附加值的产品并尽量减少对环境的影响。项目投产后，年销售收入达17亿美元，而需求波及效应及产出波及效应每年形成的产值可达900多亿元。目前，中海壳牌石化项目的前期各项工作进程顺利，其中征地拆迁移民安置正按计划进行，其他相关工作也正在有条不紊地进行。
自中海壳牌石化项目签定合营合同和地方辅助合同以来，许多国内外大型化工企业纷纷把目光投向了大亚湾。据统计，截止今年9月底，已先后接待来自香港、澳大利亚、美国、英国等地外商咨询76次，接待来访外商28批，其中大多是世界著名的化工企业。如世界第五大化工企业——阿托菲纳公司、日本三菱丽阳股份公司、美国杜邦公司、燕山石化股份有限公司、中国海洋石油总公司等石化行业的巨头，他们都有意向投资中海壳牌石化中下游产品项目。大项目的联动效应已开始逐步显现，“壳牌”龙头一摆，整个产业链就活了。大亚湾的发展前景十分喜人。
面对中国加入WTO和新一轮开发热潮的大好发展机遇，大亚湾开发区管委会以郑永和书记和黄光主任为首的领导班子敢于抢抓机遇，与时俱进，开拓创新，高瞻远瞩地制订了“十五”计划发展纲要，进一步明确近期重点建设“三区”的战略部署，“三区”即石油化工区、惠州港区和西部工业区。按照总体目标规划，全区将以“三区”建设为主体，最终把大亚湾建设成为石化、汽车零部件、钢铁和临港型物流基地。
惠州大亚湾石油化学工业是广东省“十五”期间重点发展的东西两翼两个石化工业基地之一，规划总面积为27.8平方公里。石化工按高起点、高标准规划，计划布置中海壳牌石化项目的80万吨乙烯项目、二期炼油项目和大约36个中下游项目以及华德石化100万立方米储油罐项目、天然气发电厂项目等，目标是建成以乙烯为龙头的高附加值、高技术含量的世界级石油化学工业区。
风正舵稳创大业
惠州大亚湾的百年发展格局奠定后，面临着无比优越的发展机遇。
天然气发电厂是我国第一个天然气利用项目LNG项目的一部分。这个项目于1998年底经国务院批准，包括天然气接收站、民用管辅设工程和天然气发电厂三大部分。其中接收站选深圳大鹏湾砰头角。民用管风铺设第一期工程在深圳、广州、东莞、佛山四个城市进行；第二扩大到珠海、中山、惠州、肇庆和江门五个城市。天然气发电厂有两个，一个选址在惠州大亚湾，总规划按200万千瓦/年设计，首期规模为100万千瓦/年，投资约为60亿元人民币（不含输变电工程）。
东风汽车城项目始建于1992年，由东风汽车集团等企业和惠州市合资建设，规划占地面积6平方公里，总投资约为30多亿元人民币，将发展成为大型汽车、摩托车零部件和组装生产基地。到目前为止已投入5亿多元人民币，建成3万平方米的装配厂房。东风本田汽车零部件公司、东风神力公司、风神惠州发展公司等相继投产。
原熊猫汽车（中国）公司自1989年落户以来，已在大亚湾投入建设资金1.1亿美元，建成16万平方米的厂房，虽然由于技术、市场等方面的原因，未能在大亚湾建成汽车城，但他们一直表示，坚持在这里完成10亿美元以上的投资。目前，该公司已更名为熊猫置业发展（中国）有限公司，将经营范围重点转向工业园区建设、房地产及土地开发。其中占地50万平方米的熊猫工业区已初步具备招商条件。
改革开放以来，广东省的轻纺、电子、食品等工业发展较快，整个产业结构出现了明显的轻型化倾向，而广东省要实现自身的经济发展目标，就必须调整和优化产业结构，缓解重工业薄弱所造成的“瓶颈”制约。为此有关方面决定在珠江三角洲适度发展重工业，重点是石化工业、汽车工业，而大亚湾开发区正好适应了这种需要。毫无疑问，中海壳牌石化项目作为技术领先型的原材料企业和迄今最大的中外合资项目，必将成为中国石化工业的“火车头”，并大幅度提高广东省利用外资水平；而大亚湾也将因此成为广东省最重要的基础工业基地之一。同时，石化工业发展必然会带来油气化工产品储运业的繁荣，以惠州港的条件，完全可以发展成为华南沿海最大的油气化工产品储运基地。目前，该港已建成使用的油气库容量为53.3万立方米，基本完工即将投入使用的有19.2万立方米，相信不用很长时间，整个惠州港的油气库容量将突破200万立方米，并将凭借这一专业优势跻身国内大港口的行列。
为贯彻落实好广东省委、省政府的战略意图，推动惠州经济快速发展，市委、市政府一直把大亚湾作为全市发展的龙头。对大亚湾寄予了更大、更多的期望，归纳起来，主要是“五个区”的功能定位，即大亚湾是惠州经济发展的龙头区，城市建设的中心区，改革开放的示范区，率先基本实现社会主义现代化的先行区，同时还是中海壳牌石化项目的所在区。近年来，惠州市委书记肖志恒、市长柳锦州等多次到大亚湾检查指导工作，现场办公，并亲自带队到上海化学工业区，南京扬子石化公司，新加坡裕廊化工区等地方实地考察，要求一定要高标准，高档次建好这一世界级石化工业区。
大亚湾的太阳每天都是新的
经过多年的开发建设，大亚湾在经济和社会发展的各个方面都发生了巨大的变化。据统计，1992年至2000年累计完成国内生产总值66.94亿元，工业总产值43.08亿元，地方财政收入4.43亿元，引进外资项目220宗，项目总投资14.6亿美元。其中2000年，实际利用外资1.2亿美元，是1992年的3.9倍；外资出口总额1.4亿美元，是1994年的32倍；港口吞吐量770万吨，是1993年的12.4倍。
作为大亚湾经济技术开发区核心工业园的响水河工业园，去年以来实现了历史性突破，园区面积扩大到4.98平方公里，职工人数已达1万人，2000年的工业产值比上年增长2.7倍。目前已建成投产企业7家；新建的智恩、粤安、盈丰、丽晶、威健、鼎富等8个项目，投资额合计7977万美元，将于年内投产；明昌、科惠、华丰、建业、鸿图、雄昱等6个项目，均已签订投资协议。另外，还有一批项目正在洽谈。在不断引进新项目的大好形势下，原有的老企业也不断增资扩产，其中宝兴钢铁厂今年已完成产值7亿元；永昶电子公司年产值已超过3亿元，去年增加了4条激光头生产线；合正电子公司增资2亿港元的项目也已获批准，去年投入了9千万港元。此外，园区基础设施建设力度不断加大，银行、邮政、电信、医疗、消防、治安保卫等方面的网点设施逐步完善，外商服务中心和磨岭公园正在紧张筹建中，一个现代化花园式工业园区的雏形已初步形成。
据大亚湾开发区管委会分管工业的胡建斌副主任介绍：预计在未来二十年内，大亚湾将发展成为一个新兴的港口工业明星城市，并以鲜明的“个性特征”屹立于粤港澳经济圈。那时的大亚湾，将成为香港的重要分流港，并与香港、深圳优势互补，组成一个世界级的主枢纽港群；将成为广东省主要的大型石化、钢铁工业基地和东部沿海工业走廊的发展核心；将成为我国兼有海洋、海岛旅游、山地探队和大工业旅游特色的重要旅游城市；还将通过两条工业走廊与惠城区连接，形成以惠州——大亚湾为中心区的功能齐全的组团式现代化城市。
十年一个里程，十年一个起点。今日的大亚湾，早已告别了昔日的荒凉与寂寞，在这片265平方公里的热土上，大小建设工地，如火如荼，一片沸腾。仲秋时节，记者到大亚湾采访，无论是与地方官员还是普通百姓交谈，他们的脸上无不洋溢着一种激情与振奋，这种感觉告诉我：大亚湾的春天就要来临，大亚湾这艘巨轮又要远航了。
大亚湾，大有希望。
《大地》 (2001年第二十一期)
2003-09-26
Church's Pistol Firm Exploits a Niche
Washington Post/March 10, 1999
By John Mintz
With parts of its sprawling business empire in decline, the Unification Church headed by the Rev. Sun Myung Moon is finding profits in one of the least-known of its commercial ventures: making guns.
Moon's four-year-old gun company, Kahr Arms, has prospered amid glowing reviews for the workmanship of its small but potent pistols. Last month, Kahr Arms expanded, purchasing the company that manufactures Tommy guns, fabled in Roaring '20s mob shootouts from speeding black sedans.
The ties between Kahr Arms and the Unification Church headed by Moon have received almost no notice, both within the close-knit gun industry and among church members. The business arm of the church, whose members believe that Moon is the Messiah and was placed on earth to restore the Garden of Eden, declined to clarify its involvement in the gun business.
One ex-member said that for years church leaders have tried to obscure the movement's involvement with Kahr Arms. "They were afraid if anti-cult groups found out, they'd have a field day," the former member said.
But an examination of corporate records and interviews with experts on the secretive Moon empire demonstrate the links between the church's business network and Kahr Arms. Kahr, whose factory is in Worcester, Mass., is controlled by Kook Jin "Justin" Moon, 28, the elder Moon's fourth son and slated to be second-in-command of the multibillion-dollar Moon empire when the 79-year-old father dies. Justin Moon and his siblings are revered by church members as the Messiah's "True Children."
Some former members and gun industry critics perceive a contradiction between the church's teachings and its corporate involvement in marketing weapons promoted for their concealability and lethality.
"I see an irony, if not hypocrisy, that someone who professes peace and says he's completing Jesus's work also manufactures for profit an implement with no purpose other than killing people," said Tom Diaz, author of "Making a Killing," a new book critical of the firearms industry. "What's the message, turn the other cheek, or lock and load?"
Two years ago a demoralized British member wrote Moon saying he was quitting partly because of the church's involvement with Kahr guns. "I might ask if you, as a founder of a religious organization which has 'world peace' as one of its goals, consider it appropriate to manufacture weapons for sale on the mass market," the member wrote.
Kahr has been in the forefront of seizing on changes in state and federal law and marketing a controversial type of small, six-inch-long handgun whose sales are surging. Guns that size had been around for decades, but they could shoot only small bullets.
Then in recent years, 31 states passed laws, promoted by the National Rifle Association, allowing people to carry concealed weapons. Moreover, in 1994 the government banned manufacture of guns able to hold more than 10 bullets. Now unable to sell popular models shooting up to 21 bullets, the industry searched for new products to sell.
Gun firms - with Kahr at the head of the pack - responded to these changes by finding a new market niche to exploit - small but well-made pistols that fire eight or fewer relatively large 9mm and .40-caliber bullets.
Emergency room physicians blame the spread in the last decade of 9mm and .40-caliber guns for dramatic increases in more devastating and at times fatal gunshot wounds. The NRA says the nation is safer because of the 2 percent or so of adults who always carry handguns, and it cites studies supporting that claim.
Kahr markets its guns for their concealability, among other things. Its K9 model is "the perfect pocket 9mm," says one ad. "No safeties to fumble with when the pressure is on."
Combat Handguns magazine praised Kahr pistols as "made like a fine Swiss watch." Soldier of Fortune said they "pass with flying colors" the key test of any handgun their size: "close range, high stress, rapid-fire desperation shooting when all else has failed."
Kahr guns are used by some police officers as backup weapons holstered on their ankles and shoulders. They have not become popular with criminals, gun experts say, because of their relatively high cost - about $750 apiece - and because the firm is so new.
Last month Kahr Arms bought into a legendarily lethal product line by purchasing Auto-Ordnance Corp., the maker of Thompson submachine guns. The company was founded in 1916 to develop a portable machine gun that its inventors hoped would win World War I. The "Trench Broom" arrived too late for the war but was snapped up by gangsters like John Dillinger and Machine Gun Kelly.
Now Kahr manufactures Auto-Ordnance's line of semiautomatic weapons and is awaiting a federal license that will allow it to make the fully automatic machine guns once beloved by gangsters.
One reason for the Unification Church's expansion into the gun business may be that Moon has often placed money in ventures in which his children have a personal interest. He bought a Manhattan recording studio for a son who was a heavy-metal rock musician, and horse farms for two other children who rode on Korea's Olympic equestrian teams. In the case of Kahr, the elder Moon was drawn to the gun industry by his sons, who are avid firearms hobbyists, said one former member.
Justin Moon graduated magna cum laude from Harvard University with an economics degree in 1992. Then, under his father's orders, he instituted a boardroom shake-up of the church's many firms, placing Moon relatives in the key positions, the former member said. Like his father, "the son was afraid when his dad died, the members would betray the family," the ex-member said. "He wanted everything in the family's name."
Justin Moon then persuaded his father to invest $5 million in Kahr, arguing that it would be a profitable venture. the ex-member said. The son, who has no engineering training, has received five U.S. patents based on his claim that he invented key technical innovations embedded in Kahr's guns. The parent company of Kahr Arms, Saeilo Inc., is an offshoot of a cluster of 15 or so other Moon-affiliated concerns, all called some variation of Saeilo and all in the machine tool or car repair business. For years employees at various of the Saeilo firms have been exhorted to meet sales targets so as not to displease the elder Moon, called "True Father" or "TF."
David Bromley, a Virginia Commonwealth University sociologist who studies the church, said members believe the companies "create connection to the Messiah. ... They create a community and integrate work and family." Moreover, he said, while followers privately view their firms and the church as essentially one entity, in public they often "make fine distinctions between them."
Asked about the tie between the gun firm and the church enterprises, One Up Enterprises Inc., the holding company over many of the church's businesses, said in a statement that it "is not involved with the operations of Saeilo Inc." Asked to elaborate, One Up said it "does not release financial information to the public." Saeilo Inc. said its gun venture is profitable.
An examination of the Saeilo firms' data filed with federal agencies, the telephone company and business reporting firms leaves no doubt that Saeilo Inc. is connected to the rest of the Moon empire.
The church's One Up has long acknowledged that Saeilo Machinery (USA) Inc., a machine tool firm, is an outright subsidiary of One Up. In statements to Dun & Bradstreet and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, Saeilo Inc. and Saeilo Machinery describe themselves as "affiliates." The two firms' headquarters share a telephone number at the same address in Blauvelt, N.Y.
Even as Kahr thrives, some of Moon's other business holdings are in serious decline. His South Korean companies, which include concerns that make car transmissions and sell ginseng, are $2 billion in debt, and many are in bankruptcy. A car plant in China, Panda Motors, has gone under. In addition, donations from members in Korea and Japan have dropped precipitously, in part because of economic distress there.
Larry Zilliox, a McLean private investigator who has researched the Moon business network for a decade, said Moon views enterprises such as Kahr as critical to his future.
"Moon no longer looks at the church as the core organization," said Zilliox, who first established the Kahr-Moon link. "The movement's business part is the enduring part."
Washington Post/March 10, 1999
By John Mintz
With parts of its sprawling business empire in decline, the Unification Church headed by the Rev. Sun Myung Moon is finding profits in one of the least-known of its commercial ventures: making guns.
Moon's four-year-old gun company, Kahr Arms, has prospered amid glowing reviews for the workmanship of its small but potent pistols. Last month, Kahr Arms expanded, purchasing the company that manufactures Tommy guns, fabled in Roaring '20s mob shootouts from speeding black sedans.
The ties between Kahr Arms and the Unification Church headed by Moon have received almost no notice, both within the close-knit gun industry and among church members. The business arm of the church, whose members believe that Moon is the Messiah and was placed on earth to restore the Garden of Eden, declined to clarify its involvement in the gun business.
One ex-member said that for years church leaders have tried to obscure the movement's involvement with Kahr Arms. "They were afraid if anti-cult groups found out, they'd have a field day," the former member said.
But an examination of corporate records and interviews with experts on the secretive Moon empire demonstrate the links between the church's business network and Kahr Arms. Kahr, whose factory is in Worcester, Mass., is controlled by Kook Jin "Justin" Moon, 28, the elder Moon's fourth son and slated to be second-in-command of the multibillion-dollar Moon empire when the 79-year-old father dies. Justin Moon and his siblings are revered by church members as the Messiah's "True Children."
Some former members and gun industry critics perceive a contradiction between the church's teachings and its corporate involvement in marketing weapons promoted for their concealability and lethality.
"I see an irony, if not hypocrisy, that someone who professes peace and says he's completing Jesus's work also manufactures for profit an implement with no purpose other than killing people," said Tom Diaz, author of "Making a Killing," a new book critical of the firearms industry. "What's the message, turn the other cheek, or lock and load?"
Two years ago a demoralized British member wrote Moon saying he was quitting partly because of the church's involvement with Kahr guns. "I might ask if you, as a founder of a religious organization which has 'world peace' as one of its goals, consider it appropriate to manufacture weapons for sale on the mass market," the member wrote.
Kahr has been in the forefront of seizing on changes in state and federal law and marketing a controversial type of small, six-inch-long handgun whose sales are surging. Guns that size had been around for decades, but they could shoot only small bullets.
Then in recent years, 31 states passed laws, promoted by the National Rifle Association, allowing people to carry concealed weapons. Moreover, in 1994 the government banned manufacture of guns able to hold more than 10 bullets. Now unable to sell popular models shooting up to 21 bullets, the industry searched for new products to sell.
Gun firms - with Kahr at the head of the pack - responded to these changes by finding a new market niche to exploit - small but well-made pistols that fire eight or fewer relatively large 9mm and .40-caliber bullets.
Emergency room physicians blame the spread in the last decade of 9mm and .40-caliber guns for dramatic increases in more devastating and at times fatal gunshot wounds. The NRA says the nation is safer because of the 2 percent or so of adults who always carry handguns, and it cites studies supporting that claim.
Kahr markets its guns for their concealability, among other things. Its K9 model is "the perfect pocket 9mm," says one ad. "No safeties to fumble with when the pressure is on."
Combat Handguns magazine praised Kahr pistols as "made like a fine Swiss watch." Soldier of Fortune said they "pass with flying colors" the key test of any handgun their size: "close range, high stress, rapid-fire desperation shooting when all else has failed."
Kahr guns are used by some police officers as backup weapons holstered on their ankles and shoulders. They have not become popular with criminals, gun experts say, because of their relatively high cost - about $750 apiece - and because the firm is so new.
Last month Kahr Arms bought into a legendarily lethal product line by purchasing Auto-Ordnance Corp., the maker of Thompson submachine guns. The company was founded in 1916 to develop a portable machine gun that its inventors hoped would win World War I. The "Trench Broom" arrived too late for the war but was snapped up by gangsters like John Dillinger and Machine Gun Kelly.
Now Kahr manufactures Auto-Ordnance's line of semiautomatic weapons and is awaiting a federal license that will allow it to make the fully automatic machine guns once beloved by gangsters.
One reason for the Unification Church's expansion into the gun business may be that Moon has often placed money in ventures in which his children have a personal interest. He bought a Manhattan recording studio for a son who was a heavy-metal rock musician, and horse farms for two other children who rode on Korea's Olympic equestrian teams. In the case of Kahr, the elder Moon was drawn to the gun industry by his sons, who are avid firearms hobbyists, said one former member.
Justin Moon graduated magna cum laude from Harvard University with an economics degree in 1992. Then, under his father's orders, he instituted a boardroom shake-up of the church's many firms, placing Moon relatives in the key positions, the former member said. Like his father, "the son was afraid when his dad died, the members would betray the family," the ex-member said. "He wanted everything in the family's name."
Justin Moon then persuaded his father to invest $5 million in Kahr, arguing that it would be a profitable venture. the ex-member said. The son, who has no engineering training, has received five U.S. patents based on his claim that he invented key technical innovations embedded in Kahr's guns. The parent company of Kahr Arms, Saeilo Inc., is an offshoot of a cluster of 15 or so other Moon-affiliated concerns, all called some variation of Saeilo and all in the machine tool or car repair business. For years employees at various of the Saeilo firms have been exhorted to meet sales targets so as not to displease the elder Moon, called "True Father" or "TF."
David Bromley, a Virginia Commonwealth University sociologist who studies the church, said members believe the companies "create connection to the Messiah. ... They create a community and integrate work and family." Moreover, he said, while followers privately view their firms and the church as essentially one entity, in public they often "make fine distinctions between them."
Asked about the tie between the gun firm and the church enterprises, One Up Enterprises Inc., the holding company over many of the church's businesses, said in a statement that it "is not involved with the operations of Saeilo Inc." Asked to elaborate, One Up said it "does not release financial information to the public." Saeilo Inc. said its gun venture is profitable.
An examination of the Saeilo firms' data filed with federal agencies, the telephone company and business reporting firms leaves no doubt that Saeilo Inc. is connected to the rest of the Moon empire.
The church's One Up has long acknowledged that Saeilo Machinery (USA) Inc., a machine tool firm, is an outright subsidiary of One Up. In statements to Dun & Bradstreet and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, Saeilo Inc. and Saeilo Machinery describe themselves as "affiliates." The two firms' headquarters share a telephone number at the same address in Blauvelt, N.Y.
Even as Kahr thrives, some of Moon's other business holdings are in serious decline. His South Korean companies, which include concerns that make car transmissions and sell ginseng, are $2 billion in debt, and many are in bankruptcy. A car plant in China, Panda Motors, has gone under. In addition, donations from members in Korea and Japan have dropped precipitously, in part because of economic distress there.
Larry Zilliox, a McLean private investigator who has researched the Moon business network for a decade, said Moon views enterprises such as Kahr as critical to his future.
"Moon no longer looks at the church as the core organization," said Zilliox, who first established the Kahr-Moon link. "The movement's business part is the enduring part."
washington times Background
The Washington Times is a daily newspaper published in Washington, D.C.. It was founded in 1982 as a conservative alternative to the Washington Post by members of the Unification Church.
Reporter Bill Gertz is famed for producing a number of scoops based on sources in the American intelligence community.
The Washington Times Corporation also publishes the New York Noticias Del Mundo, the weekly Insight newsmagazine, and the monthly World&I. Insight provided additional funding to Paula Jones' sexual harassment lawsuit against President Bill Clinton, allowing the suit to continue after her own funding ran out.
The Times has a circulation of approximately 100,000 a day, versus about 700,000 for the Washington Post.
Table of contents [showhide]
1 Relationship to the Unification Church
2 Editorial independence
3 External Links
3.1 General links
3.2 Third-party accounts of Washington Times reportage
Relationship to the Unification Church
The Unification Church calls Rev. Sun Myung Moon the "founder" of the Times:
"Fifteen years ago, when the world was adrift on the stormy waves of the Cold War, I established The Washington Times to fulfill God's desperate desire to save this world. Since that time, I have devoted myself to raising up The Washington Times, hoping that this blessed land of America would fulfill its world-wide mission to build a Heavenly nation. Meanwhile, I waged a lonely struggle, facing enormous obstacles and scorn as I dedicated my whole heart and energy to enable The Washington Times to grow as a righteous and responsible journalistic institution." [1]
However, the Unification Church has been willing to run the paper at a loss to provide a political voice. Critics of the Unification Church claim that operation of the Times is part of an attempt by the Unification Church to gain political influence in Washington, D.C.; to back up this claim, they also refer to the purchase of the UPI newswire service by the Church in 2001 -- a move that gives the Unification Church a press seat on Air Force One.
Despite being owned by the Unification Church, it claims to be independent of the Church, and claims not to propagate the Church's teachings directly. (Compare Christian Science Monitor.) The Times is in favor of many topics other Christian conservative organizations support, including religious freedom for Christians worldwide and a dislike of government interference in private life. The Times states that it does not proselytize directly for the Unification Church.
Editorial independence
Several critics have claimed that the Times is little better than a mouthpiece for the Unification Church, noting that the paper's op-ed pages are often sympathetic to Unification movement concerns. The paper's first publisher, James Whelan, resigned rather than do what he termed knuckling under to church interference with his operation of the paper.
Sometimes, also, the paper has been at odds with the church's position. For example, on March 3, 2003 the lead editorial declared:
"The time has come for the president to publicly declare that it is the decision of the United States government to lead an invasion of Iraq with the intent to change the regime."
Members and observers of the Unification Church note that this is counter to the official church position, which opposes the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
The Washington Times is a daily newspaper published in Washington, D.C.. It was founded in 1982 as a conservative alternative to the Washington Post by members of the Unification Church.
Reporter Bill Gertz is famed for producing a number of scoops based on sources in the American intelligence community.
The Washington Times Corporation also publishes the New York Noticias Del Mundo, the weekly Insight newsmagazine, and the monthly World&I. Insight provided additional funding to Paula Jones' sexual harassment lawsuit against President Bill Clinton, allowing the suit to continue after her own funding ran out.
The Times has a circulation of approximately 100,000 a day, versus about 700,000 for the Washington Post.
Table of contents [showhide]
1 Relationship to the Unification Church
2 Editorial independence
3 External Links
3.1 General links
3.2 Third-party accounts of Washington Times reportage
Relationship to the Unification Church
The Unification Church calls Rev. Sun Myung Moon the "founder" of the Times:
"Fifteen years ago, when the world was adrift on the stormy waves of the Cold War, I established The Washington Times to fulfill God's desperate desire to save this world. Since that time, I have devoted myself to raising up The Washington Times, hoping that this blessed land of America would fulfill its world-wide mission to build a Heavenly nation. Meanwhile, I waged a lonely struggle, facing enormous obstacles and scorn as I dedicated my whole heart and energy to enable The Washington Times to grow as a righteous and responsible journalistic institution." [1]
However, the Unification Church has been willing to run the paper at a loss to provide a political voice. Critics of the Unification Church claim that operation of the Times is part of an attempt by the Unification Church to gain political influence in Washington, D.C.; to back up this claim, they also refer to the purchase of the UPI newswire service by the Church in 2001 -- a move that gives the Unification Church a press seat on Air Force One.
Despite being owned by the Unification Church, it claims to be independent of the Church, and claims not to propagate the Church's teachings directly. (Compare Christian Science Monitor.) The Times is in favor of many topics other Christian conservative organizations support, including religious freedom for Christians worldwide and a dislike of government interference in private life. The Times states that it does not proselytize directly for the Unification Church.
Editorial independence
Several critics have claimed that the Times is little better than a mouthpiece for the Unification Church, noting that the paper's op-ed pages are often sympathetic to Unification movement concerns. The paper's first publisher, James Whelan, resigned rather than do what he termed knuckling under to church interference with his operation of the paper.
Sometimes, also, the paper has been at odds with the church's position. For example, on March 3, 2003 the lead editorial declared:
"The time has come for the president to publicly declare that it is the decision of the United States government to lead an invasion of Iraq with the intent to change the regime."
Members and observers of the Unification Church note that this is counter to the official church position, which opposes the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
偉大記者還是麥卡錫分子？
孫國運
華盛頓幾乎所有記者都沒有像華盛頓時報（The Washington Times）負責國家安全的記者格茨（Bill Gertz）那麼能夠挑動人們的強烈情感。他的支持者說，格茨每年曝露中國不端行為和克林頓政府安全漏洞的文章超過許多其它記者一輩子寫的重要文章。
即將於12日出版的《遠東經濟評論》說，但政府官員非常惱火的是格茨的多數文章都是依據最機密情報報告，中國學者譴責格茨是發起新的一輪麥卡錫主義。
48歲的格茨是在美國發生中國問題大辯論並且意見越來越分化的時候出名的。包括國會議員、國會高級職員、退休情報官員、智囊團學者、保守的專欄作家和一小部分中國學者組成的聯盟組成大合唱：中國軍事力量的增強將迅速允許北京傷害美國的利益。這支聯盟有時也叫“藍軍”，是中國軍事演習中敵軍的名稱。這支鬆散的組合在挑戰克林頓政府的中國政策方面已經取得部分勝利。
幾乎所有讓北京難堪的文章──從中國同北朝鮮和巴基斯坦的軍事合作到美國核實驗室的間諜活動──都是首先通過格茨報導給公眾的。每當受到挫折的情報官員或國會助手有關於中國的破壞性消息需要洩露時，他們就會找到格茨。他使美國處理中國簡報的官員非常不舒服：他們被迫花費大量的時間來寫備忘錄，回應格茨的“環線之內（Inside the Ring）”專欄文章。
格茨的報導焦點是中國日益增長的軍事威脅和克林頓政府同北京對抗中所謂的失敗。格茨去年發表的第一本書題目是《背叛：克林頓政府如何破壞美國安全》，書中說，“中國增強軍事力量的直接目標就是未來同美國打仗。”那本書在《紐約時報》連續11個星期名列暢銷書榜首，為格茨帶來的稿費足以買一輛豐田Avalon汽車。
格茨在書中說，“自從1993年上台以來，克林頓政府一直淡化中國日益增長的政治和軍事力量的危險，不惜以破壞國家安全為代價同中國發展貿易關係。”
他的第二本書《中國威脅》主要探討火箭技術轉讓和格茨所說的中國試圖控制巴拿馬運河等問題。那本書將在11月大選之前一個星期發表。
但格茨的批評者說，格茨在文章中和書中曝露情報來源和方法，正是他本人破壞了美國的安全。《背叛》一書中復印了59頁原來的機密文件。在五角大樓擔任顧問的一名退休軍官說，“他在告訴敵人我們的情報能力。”格茨則稱讚那些政府的消息來源是“無聲英雄”，他們破壞了自己的生涯來揭露克林頓政府的錯誤。
格茨堅持說，他總是盡量負責任。“在正常報導中，我同情報來源聯系，這是他們衡量問題的機會。我應情報機構的要求修改某些內容。我們並不是為了讓別人去死就報所有的東西。”格茨說，國家安全機構要求某些信息不能發表之後，他的出版商在《背叛》一書中留了六頁空白。
《華盛頓時報》為新聞世界通訊公司所擁有，屬於文鮮明牧師（Sun Myung Moon）的統一教會。格茨說，文鮮明的反共日程對於報紙的編輯內容沒有影響。他說，“我們在編輯上獨立，完全同公司結構分開。”
格茨經常貶損美國的中國專家，說他們對中國太軟弱。他的主要目標從美國駐中國大使普理赫到國家安全委員會的列勃薩（Kenneth Lieberthal）。其它受到攻擊還有前助北京武官海軍少將Eric McVadon，喬治華盛頓大學中國專家沈大偉（David Shambaugh）。他說普理赫是“抱熊貓者”，稱列勃薩是國家安全委員會裡“傾向北京的亞洲主管”，指責Eric McVadon“中國不是威脅理論的主要倡導者，”攻擊沈大偉接受一名中國上校訪問時“近乎幫助北京搜集情報”。
www.chinesenewsweek.com
多維周刊總第 20 期
孫國運
華盛頓幾乎所有記者都沒有像華盛頓時報（The Washington Times）負責國家安全的記者格茨（Bill Gertz）那麼能夠挑動人們的強烈情感。他的支持者說，格茨每年曝露中國不端行為和克林頓政府安全漏洞的文章超過許多其它記者一輩子寫的重要文章。
即將於12日出版的《遠東經濟評論》說，但政府官員非常惱火的是格茨的多數文章都是依據最機密情報報告，中國學者譴責格茨是發起新的一輪麥卡錫主義。
48歲的格茨是在美國發生中國問題大辯論並且意見越來越分化的時候出名的。包括國會議員、國會高級職員、退休情報官員、智囊團學者、保守的專欄作家和一小部分中國學者組成的聯盟組成大合唱：中國軍事力量的增強將迅速允許北京傷害美國的利益。這支聯盟有時也叫“藍軍”，是中國軍事演習中敵軍的名稱。這支鬆散的組合在挑戰克林頓政府的中國政策方面已經取得部分勝利。
幾乎所有讓北京難堪的文章──從中國同北朝鮮和巴基斯坦的軍事合作到美國核實驗室的間諜活動──都是首先通過格茨報導給公眾的。每當受到挫折的情報官員或國會助手有關於中國的破壞性消息需要洩露時，他們就會找到格茨。他使美國處理中國簡報的官員非常不舒服：他們被迫花費大量的時間來寫備忘錄，回應格茨的“環線之內（Inside the Ring）”專欄文章。
格茨的報導焦點是中國日益增長的軍事威脅和克林頓政府同北京對抗中所謂的失敗。格茨去年發表的第一本書題目是《背叛：克林頓政府如何破壞美國安全》，書中說，“中國增強軍事力量的直接目標就是未來同美國打仗。”那本書在《紐約時報》連續11個星期名列暢銷書榜首，為格茨帶來的稿費足以買一輛豐田Avalon汽車。
格茨在書中說，“自從1993年上台以來，克林頓政府一直淡化中國日益增長的政治和軍事力量的危險，不惜以破壞國家安全為代價同中國發展貿易關係。”
他的第二本書《中國威脅》主要探討火箭技術轉讓和格茨所說的中國試圖控制巴拿馬運河等問題。那本書將在11月大選之前一個星期發表。
但格茨的批評者說，格茨在文章中和書中曝露情報來源和方法，正是他本人破壞了美國的安全。《背叛》一書中復印了59頁原來的機密文件。在五角大樓擔任顧問的一名退休軍官說，“他在告訴敵人我們的情報能力。”格茨則稱讚那些政府的消息來源是“無聲英雄”，他們破壞了自己的生涯來揭露克林頓政府的錯誤。
格茨堅持說，他總是盡量負責任。“在正常報導中，我同情報來源聯系，這是他們衡量問題的機會。我應情報機構的要求修改某些內容。我們並不是為了讓別人去死就報所有的東西。”格茨說，國家安全機構要求某些信息不能發表之後，他的出版商在《背叛》一書中留了六頁空白。
《華盛頓時報》為新聞世界通訊公司所擁有，屬於文鮮明牧師（Sun Myung Moon）的統一教會。格茨說，文鮮明的反共日程對於報紙的編輯內容沒有影響。他說，“我們在編輯上獨立，完全同公司結構分開。”
格茨經常貶損美國的中國專家，說他們對中國太軟弱。他的主要目標從美國駐中國大使普理赫到國家安全委員會的列勃薩（Kenneth Lieberthal）。其它受到攻擊還有前助北京武官海軍少將Eric McVadon，喬治華盛頓大學中國專家沈大偉（David Shambaugh）。他說普理赫是“抱熊貓者”，稱列勃薩是國家安全委員會裡“傾向北京的亞洲主管”，指責Eric McVadon“中國不是威脅理論的主要倡導者，”攻擊沈大偉接受一名中國上校訪問時“近乎幫助北京搜集情報”。
www.chinesenewsweek.com
多維周刊總第 20 期
Quick Guide to the Blue Team
"Blue Team"--a loose alliance of members of Congress, congressional staff, think tank fellows, Republican political operatives, conservative journalists, lobbyists for Taiwan, former intelligence officers and a handful of academics, all united in the view that a rising China poses great risks to America's vital interests. (Washington Post, 22 Feb 2000)
Christopher Cox
Representative from California's 47th District. Chair of the Committee that issued the Cox Report [US National Security and Military/Commercial Concerns with the People's Republic of China], Jan. 1999.
Richard D. Fisher
Managing editor of China Brief, a publication of the Jamestown Foundation. Worked as an aide to Rep. Christopher Cox (R-Calif.). Was Director of Asian Studies Center at Heritage Foundation.
Bill Gertz
The Gertz File Bill Gertz, 50, is a defense and national security reporter for The Washington Times, a position he has held since 1985. He writes a weekly column with Rowan Scarborough, also a Washington Times defense reporter, called Inside the Ring, a chronicle about the ups and downs of the U.S. national security bureaucracy.
Betrayal : how the Clinton administration undermined American security / Bill Gertz. Washington, DC : Regnery Pub. ; Lanham, MD : Distributed to the trade by National Book Network, c1999. 291 p. : ill. ; 24 cm.
The China threat : how the People's Republic targets America / Bill Gertz. Washington, DC : Regnery Pub. ; Lanham, MD : Distributed to the trade by National Book Network, c2000. xv, 280 p. : ill., maps ; 24 cm.
Al Santoli
Editor of AFPC's China Reform Monitor. He is the author of numerous books and is a contributing editor for Parade magazine. Santoli served as a combat soldier in the 25th infantry in Vietnam from 1968-69. He currently works as a senior foreign policy analyst for Rep. Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA).
China Reform Monitor chronicles the process of reforms in the People's Republic of China and American policy toward China. It was launched in anticipation of the 1997 Washington summit between Presidents Jiang and Clinton and is generally published two to three days per week.
Red China's Move on Panama Canal Part of Pattern: The Panama Canal in transition: China's growing role
Edward Timperlake
Edward T. Timperlake served as professional staff member of the Committee on Rules in the U.S. House of Representatives. He is the investigator for issues on national security and international financial crimes. A graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy, he has an MBA from Cornell University. He served as a Marine fighter pilot and the Principal Director of Mobilization, Planning, and Requirements in the Reagan Administration. He was appointed an Assistant Secretary for Public and Intergovernmental Affairs in the Bush Administration, where he was a member of the Desert Storm Communications Task Force. Mr. Timperlake is also a board member of the Vietnam Children's Fund, a pro bono effort to help rebuild elementary schools throughout Vietnam. He lives with his family in Annapolis, MD.
Year of the rat : how Bill Clinton and Al Gore compromised U.S. security for Chinese cash / Edward Timperlake and William C. Triplett II. Publisher: Washington, DC : Regnery Pub. ; Lanham, MD : Distributed to the trade by National Book Network, [2000], c1998.
Red dragon rising : Communist China's military threat to America / Edward Timperlake, William C. Triplett II. Washington, DC : Regnery Pub. ; Lanham, MD : Distributed to the trade by National Book Network, c1999.
William C. Triplett II
William C. Triplett II is the former Chief Republican Counsel to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He served in the Executive Office of the President during the first Reagan Administration. A graduate of the Defense Language Institute (Chinese Mandarin) and the Georgetown University Law School, he has more than thirty years of experience working on China and national security. Former China analyst at the CIA, is the source of the name "Blue Team". See titles under Edward Timperlake.
"Blue Team"--a loose alliance of members of Congress, congressional staff, think tank fellows, Republican political operatives, conservative journalists, lobbyists for Taiwan, former intelligence officers and a handful of academics, all united in the view that a rising China poses great risks to America's vital interests. (Washington Post, 22 Feb 2000)
Christopher Cox
Representative from California's 47th District. Chair of the Committee that issued the Cox Report [US National Security and Military/Commercial Concerns with the People's Republic of China], Jan. 1999.
Richard D. Fisher
Managing editor of China Brief, a publication of the Jamestown Foundation. Worked as an aide to Rep. Christopher Cox (R-Calif.). Was Director of Asian Studies Center at Heritage Foundation.
Bill Gertz
The Gertz File Bill Gertz, 50, is a defense and national security reporter for The Washington Times, a position he has held since 1985. He writes a weekly column with Rowan Scarborough, also a Washington Times defense reporter, called Inside the Ring, a chronicle about the ups and downs of the U.S. national security bureaucracy.
Betrayal : how the Clinton administration undermined American security / Bill Gertz. Washington, DC : Regnery Pub. ; Lanham, MD : Distributed to the trade by National Book Network, c1999. 291 p. : ill. ; 24 cm.
The China threat : how the People's Republic targets America / Bill Gertz. Washington, DC : Regnery Pub. ; Lanham, MD : Distributed to the trade by National Book Network, c2000. xv, 280 p. : ill., maps ; 24 cm.
Al Santoli
Editor of AFPC's China Reform Monitor. He is the author of numerous books and is a contributing editor for Parade magazine. Santoli served as a combat soldier in the 25th infantry in Vietnam from 1968-69. He currently works as a senior foreign policy analyst for Rep. Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA).
China Reform Monitor chronicles the process of reforms in the People's Republic of China and American policy toward China. It was launched in anticipation of the 1997 Washington summit between Presidents Jiang and Clinton and is generally published two to three days per week.
Red China's Move on Panama Canal Part of Pattern: The Panama Canal in transition: China's growing role
Edward Timperlake
Edward T. Timperlake served as professional staff member of the Committee on Rules in the U.S. House of Representatives. He is the investigator for issues on national security and international financial crimes. A graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy, he has an MBA from Cornell University. He served as a Marine fighter pilot and the Principal Director of Mobilization, Planning, and Requirements in the Reagan Administration. He was appointed an Assistant Secretary for Public and Intergovernmental Affairs in the Bush Administration, where he was a member of the Desert Storm Communications Task Force. Mr. Timperlake is also a board member of the Vietnam Children's Fund, a pro bono effort to help rebuild elementary schools throughout Vietnam. He lives with his family in Annapolis, MD.
Year of the rat : how Bill Clinton and Al Gore compromised U.S. security for Chinese cash / Edward Timperlake and William C. Triplett II. Publisher: Washington, DC : Regnery Pub. ; Lanham, MD : Distributed to the trade by National Book Network, [2000], c1998.
Red dragon rising : Communist China's military threat to America / Edward Timperlake, William C. Triplett II. Washington, DC : Regnery Pub. ; Lanham, MD : Distributed to the trade by National Book Network, c1999.
William C. Triplett II
William C. Triplett II is the former Chief Republican Counsel to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He served in the Executive Office of the President during the first Reagan Administration. A graduate of the Defense Language Institute (Chinese Mandarin) and the Georgetown University Law School, he has more than thirty years of experience working on China and national security. Former China analyst at the CIA, is the source of the name "Blue Team". See titles under Edward Timperlake.
Bill Gertz: about Sun Myung Moon's North Korean Communist Connection
Come on Bill: Let's me honest with the American people. Tell the truth about Sun Myung Moon's North Korean Communist Connection
Bill Gertz (above), defense and national security reporter for the Washington Times, did not level with C-SPAN viewers on June 2 when he was asked about the Times' reporting of Moon's North Korea connection.
QUESTION ON C-SPAN:
People keep agitating about Iraq and yet our own government says that North Korea has chemical, biological and possibly nuclear weapons that can strike the United States right now. Now, Bill, your religious leader and the founder of your paper, Sun Myung Moon, has business and financial dealings with North Korea. He has a car plant there. He runs a hotel. He's been to meet with Kim Jong II. Your paper is supposed to be independent of your owner and religious leader and yet I don't see you reporting on Sun Myung Moon's North Korean communist connections. Why?
GERTZ REPLY:
I don't know. Have you read the Washington Times? We carry a number of stories about Reverend Moon's activities. We have not not reported on that. And I think we've covered it in a fair and unbiased way.
WHAT MOON SAYS ABOUT GERTZ AND THE WASHINGTON TIMES:
True Father Reverend Sun Myung Moon
Sunday Morning Sermon
December 10, 2000 East Garden, New York
Excerpt:
When the time comes, it may just take a week to change the world. That's why I have been securing the media arm, radio, television and even the wire service. Imagine the five major media organizations opening their hearts and competing to broadcast my teachings. The world would be changed.
America is the most powerful country in the world. But its powerful leaders listen to the Washington Times. A statement from the Times can affect them dramatically. The government of other nations also listen to the Washington Times. Who at the Washington Times is having the biggest impact? [Bill Gertz.] Bill Gertz. How old is he? He is young. He only graduated from high school, joined the Washington Times and became famous. If you are a high school teacher, you should raise such students. If you are a college professor, you should become the most famous one in history.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Realizing America's Responsibility
by Rev. Tom McDevitt
Former Pastor
Unification Church Washington DC
May 23, 1999
Excerpt:
You're probably heard in the Washington Times about Bill Gertz, who wrote a book. He was on the Tony Snow program and Crossfire, and Chris Matthews, and Rush Limbaugh talked about him. Bill's book climbed from 40 to 4, then 2, then 1 on amazon.com. I heard yesterday he was #17 on the New York Times best seller list. He's our brother.
I want to remind you what happened two years ago. The magazine Weekly Standard, published by Rupert Murdoch, edited by Bill Kristol, a very influential conservative publication. They did a full-page story on Bill Gertz, an exciting story for me because the first paragraph called him a fascinating phenomenon because of the stories he broke. It said that he was one of the early guys at the Washington Times, he is a member of Rev. Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church, he never graduated from college, and he is "now known as the most significant national security reporter in America."
Furthermore, when Bill wrote the book I saw an early copy. He's bold. He dedicated the book to "the founders of the Washington Times, Rev. and Mrs. Sun Myung Moon, without which I would never have written this."
I was with Bill and some other people in Kodiak, Alaska last August. We had a chance to fish and study with Father and Mother for a week. After the fourth day of doing hoon dok hae for an hour every morning, reading Dr. Lee's book, going out fishing where the salmon are leaping out of the river, bald eagles are flying over. The first few fish we cooked and it was unbelievable.
Come on Bill: Let's me honest with the American people. Tell the truth about Sun Myung Moon's North Korean Communist Connection
Bill Gertz (above), defense and national security reporter for the Washington Times, did not level with C-SPAN viewers on June 2 when he was asked about the Times' reporting of Moon's North Korea connection.
QUESTION ON C-SPAN:
People keep agitating about Iraq and yet our own government says that North Korea has chemical, biological and possibly nuclear weapons that can strike the United States right now. Now, Bill, your religious leader and the founder of your paper, Sun Myung Moon, has business and financial dealings with North Korea. He has a car plant there. He runs a hotel. He's been to meet with Kim Jong II. Your paper is supposed to be independent of your owner and religious leader and yet I don't see you reporting on Sun Myung Moon's North Korean communist connections. Why?
GERTZ REPLY:
I don't know. Have you read the Washington Times? We carry a number of stories about Reverend Moon's activities. We have not not reported on that. And I think we've covered it in a fair and unbiased way.
WHAT MOON SAYS ABOUT GERTZ AND THE WASHINGTON TIMES:
True Father Reverend Sun Myung Moon
Sunday Morning Sermon
December 10, 2000 East Garden, New York
Excerpt:
When the time comes, it may just take a week to change the world. That's why I have been securing the media arm, radio, television and even the wire service. Imagine the five major media organizations opening their hearts and competing to broadcast my teachings. The world would be changed.
America is the most powerful country in the world. But its powerful leaders listen to the Washington Times. A statement from the Times can affect them dramatically. The government of other nations also listen to the Washington Times. Who at the Washington Times is having the biggest impact? [Bill Gertz.] Bill Gertz. How old is he? He is young. He only graduated from high school, joined the Washington Times and became famous. If you are a high school teacher, you should raise such students. If you are a college professor, you should become the most famous one in history.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Realizing America's Responsibility
by Rev. Tom McDevitt
Former Pastor
Unification Church Washington DC
May 23, 1999
Excerpt:
You're probably heard in the Washington Times about Bill Gertz, who wrote a book. He was on the Tony Snow program and Crossfire, and Chris Matthews, and Rush Limbaugh talked about him. Bill's book climbed from 40 to 4, then 2, then 1 on amazon.com. I heard yesterday he was #17 on the New York Times best seller list. He's our brother.
I want to remind you what happened two years ago. The magazine Weekly Standard, published by Rupert Murdoch, edited by Bill Kristol, a very influential conservative publication. They did a full-page story on Bill Gertz, an exciting story for me because the first paragraph called him a fascinating phenomenon because of the stories he broke. It said that he was one of the early guys at the Washington Times, he is a member of Rev. Sun Myung Moon's Unification Church, he never graduated from college, and he is "now known as the most significant national security reporter in America."
Furthermore, when Bill wrote the book I saw an early copy. He's bold. He dedicated the book to "the founders of the Washington Times, Rev. and Mrs. Sun Myung Moon, without which I would never have written this."
I was with Bill and some other people in Kodiak, Alaska last August. We had a chance to fish and study with Father and Mother for a week. After the fourth day of doing hoon dok hae for an hour every morning, reading Dr. Lee's book, going out fishing where the salmon are leaping out of the river, bald eagles are flying over. The first few fish we cooked and it was unbelievable.
2003-09-24
Why Washington times a China basher
Message 7 in thread
From: Robroy (Robroy826@aol.com)
Subject: Re: Another question from Jewell
View this article only
Newsgroups: alt.religion.unification
Date: 2002-02-04 12:02:12 PST
> > JewB51@hotmail.com (Jewell Bartow) wrote in message
> news:<980c8339.0202030829.3659b73b@posting.google.com>...
> > > I read somewhere that Bill Gertz, a reporter for the Washington Times,
> > > is a Moon follower. I read his stuff once in awhile online at the
> > > Times, and would like to know if this is true. If so, how long has he
> > > been a member of the UC?
> > > Thanks. Jewell
============================================================================
Jewell, from all that I have learned over the years about Bill Gertz,
he has been a Moonie since the 1970s. Much like the 50+ year-old
Moonies who have posted here on ARU, Gertz got trapped in the cult
during those "wandering and aimless years" of his youth. No, not on
some college campus, for Gertz ceased his education at the high school
level. With little education and no experience as a writer, he got
his start at the Washington Times by virtue of his loyalty to Moon
.... much like Josette Shiner, Larry Witham, and others who now write
for the WT. It is now estimated that about 1/3 of the reporters on
the WT payroll are Moon-cult members, but like Gertz, their
Moon-Devotee status is never mentioned for obvious reasons.
There is no denying that among the hardcore Republican-Right and some
religious conservatives, the WT and Bill Gertz exert a good deal of
influence. Gertz mostly by virtue of his writing on China, and his
apparent connections with right-wing connections within the CIA,
Pentagon, and Congress. Former CIA Director, James Woolsey had this
to say about Gertz: (quote) When I was DCI (Director of Central
Intelligence), Bill use to drive me crazy because I couldn't figure
out where all the leaks were coming from. Now that I've been outside
for two years, I read him (Gertz) religiously to find out what's going
on. (unquote) The lesson here is that even within the highest levels
of our government, inside information is still for sale.
Finally, it should be noted that Gertz's tirades against the Communist
Chinese government commenced only after the failure of Moon's Panda
Motors Corp. in China. And as noted previously on this ARU, Moon's
earlier anti-communist stance that served him well in the past is no
more. Now, he gets in bed with anyone who will serve his purpose,
including the communist of North Korea and the former Soviet Union.
Enough for now. (Robroy)
Message 7 in thread
From: Robroy (Robroy826@aol.com)
Subject: Re: Another question from Jewell
View this article only
Newsgroups: alt.religion.unification
Date: 2002-02-04 12:02:12 PST
> > JewB51@hotmail.com (Jewell Bartow) wrote in message
> news:<980c8339.0202030829.3659b73b@posting.google.com>...
> > > I read somewhere that Bill Gertz, a reporter for the Washington Times,
> > > is a Moon follower. I read his stuff once in awhile online at the
> > > Times, and would like to know if this is true. If so, how long has he
> > > been a member of the UC?
> > > Thanks. Jewell
============================================================================
Jewell, from all that I have learned over the years about Bill Gertz,
he has been a Moonie since the 1970s. Much like the 50+ year-old
Moonies who have posted here on ARU, Gertz got trapped in the cult
during those "wandering and aimless years" of his youth. No, not on
some college campus, for Gertz ceased his education at the high school
level. With little education and no experience as a writer, he got
his start at the Washington Times by virtue of his loyalty to Moon
.... much like Josette Shiner, Larry Witham, and others who now write
for the WT. It is now estimated that about 1/3 of the reporters on
the WT payroll are Moon-cult members, but like Gertz, their
Moon-Devotee status is never mentioned for obvious reasons.
There is no denying that among the hardcore Republican-Right and some
religious conservatives, the WT and Bill Gertz exert a good deal of
influence. Gertz mostly by virtue of his writing on China, and his
apparent connections with right-wing connections within the CIA,
Pentagon, and Congress. Former CIA Director, James Woolsey had this
to say about Gertz: (quote) When I was DCI (Director of Central
Intelligence), Bill use to drive me crazy because I couldn't figure
out where all the leaks were coming from. Now that I've been outside
for two years, I read him (Gertz) religiously to find out what's going
on. (unquote) The lesson here is that even within the highest levels
of our government, inside information is still for sale.
Finally, it should be noted that Gertz's tirades against the Communist
Chinese government commenced only after the failure of Moon's Panda
Motors Corp. in China. And as noted previously on this ARU, Moon's
earlier anti-communist stance that served him well in the past is no
more. Now, he gets in bed with anyone who will serve his purpose,
including the communist of North Korea and the former Soviet Union.
Enough for now. (Robroy)
Panda motors and China
The eclipse of Moon Inc
Reverend Sun Myung Moon's collapsing empire
The Economist
5.12.1998
HONG KONG AND SEOUL
THINGS are going from bad to worse for
the Reverend Sun Myung Moon, who once planned to become
America’s Messiah. His following there has dwindled to almost
nothing. He is in South America, struggling to revive his career. Now
his South Korean business empire has gone bust, a victim of the
economic crisis.
On November 30th four companies of Mr Moon’s Tong Il
(Unification) Group—Tong Il Heavy Industries, Hankook Titanium,
Il Sung Construction and Il Shin Stone—filed for court receivership
in Seoul. A fifth member, Il Hwa, a soft-drinks maker, went under in
May. The five companies account for three-quarters of the Tong Il
group’s business. Their collapse in effect means the end of a firm that
was once one of South Korea’s top 30 chaebol, the family-owned
conglomerates that dominate the country’s economy.
Tong Il’s immediate problems were the usual ones of corporate
South Korea—disappearing profits and huge, unpayable
debts—overlaid with an extra one, Unification Church
mismanagement. Between them the Tong Il group’s 17 companies
had debts of 2 trillion won ($1.2 billion), or 19 times equity, at the
end of last year.
Most of the Unification Church’s biggest businesses have been losing
money for decades (Mr Moon himself said last year that the
Washington Times, a church-backed newspaper in America’s
capital, had cost him $1 billion over the previous 15 years), but
devotion has kept the operation afloat. The Tong Il group was
sustained by money from Japanese church members, who also sold
ginseng, stone pagodas and other religious objects, most of them
made by Il Shin Stone. But the Japanese donations have dried up as
bad publicity and lawsuits have thinned the ranks and revenues of the
faithful there.
Money troubles have also undermined Mr Moon’s plans for North
Korea. Born in the north, he has been careful to keep up contacts
there. In 1991 he struck a deal with Kim Il Sung, the late North
Korean leader, to develop Mount Kumkang in the north into a
tourist resort. But concerns about Tong Il’s finances stalled the
project; eventually Hyundai, South Korea’s biggest conglomerate,
won the contract instead. In October, Tong Il group offered to start
a cruise service, paying North Korea $100 for every tourist it took
to Mount Kumkang. But this time it was the South Korean
government, which wanted a single, reliable firm to run the politically
sensitive service, that vetoed it. Last month Hyundai went ahead with
its own cruises.
Despite these setbacks, the church still plans to build a huge church
in Pyongyang and a car factory in Nampo, to join the (money-losing)
car plant it already runs in Vietnam. Given Mr Moon’s track record,
these North Korean car-making ambitions are puzzling. One of his
biggest recent business failures was Panda Motors (China), which,
when it was announced in 1989, was thought to be the largest
foreign investment so far in China. Panda’s planned sales of 300,000
cars a year were meant to bankroll a far bigger dream: an
“International Highway of Peace”, running (with a few allowances for
oceans) from Tokyo to London, via North Korea and China.
Mr Moon’s representatives initially hawked the idea around Beijing
and Shanghai, where officials were sceptical about the ability of a
church with no car-making experience to pioneer a foreign car
industry in China. But the church eventually found less sophisticated
officials in Huizhou, near Hong Kong, and sold them the idea (one
local dignitary at the time was under the impression that Panda was
one of America’s Big Four car makers, according to Eric Harwit, an
expert on China’s car industry at the University of Hawaii).
The Tong Il group promised to invest $1 billion, and was in return
given a 50-year lease on a huge plot at just over $1 a square metre,
a small fraction of what the land is worth. Panda then bought some
old metal-stamping equipment from a plant that General Motors was
shutting down in Ohio. Somehow this led to widespread (but
unfounded) media reports that it was going to make a Chinese
version of the Chevy Chevette. Panda never came up with a design
of its own; and in 1996, after spending an estimated $100m on the
factory and related ventures without producing a single car, it
officially closed the plant. Today, the company is called Panda
Property Development, the 50-year lease having turned out to be its
most valuable asset.
The eclipse of Moon Inc
Reverend Sun Myung Moon's collapsing empire
The Economist
5.12.1998
HONG KONG AND SEOUL
THINGS are going from bad to worse for
the Reverend Sun Myung Moon, who once planned to become
America’s Messiah. His following there has dwindled to almost
nothing. He is in South America, struggling to revive his career. Now
his South Korean business empire has gone bust, a victim of the
economic crisis.
On November 30th four companies of Mr Moon’s Tong Il
(Unification) Group—Tong Il Heavy Industries, Hankook Titanium,
Il Sung Construction and Il Shin Stone—filed for court receivership
in Seoul. A fifth member, Il Hwa, a soft-drinks maker, went under in
May. The five companies account for three-quarters of the Tong Il
group’s business. Their collapse in effect means the end of a firm that
was once one of South Korea’s top 30 chaebol, the family-owned
conglomerates that dominate the country’s economy.
Tong Il’s immediate problems were the usual ones of corporate
South Korea—disappearing profits and huge, unpayable
debts—overlaid with an extra one, Unification Church
mismanagement. Between them the Tong Il group’s 17 companies
had debts of 2 trillion won ($1.2 billion), or 19 times equity, at the
end of last year.
Most of the Unification Church’s biggest businesses have been losing
money for decades (Mr Moon himself said last year that the
Washington Times, a church-backed newspaper in America’s
capital, had cost him $1 billion over the previous 15 years), but
devotion has kept the operation afloat. The Tong Il group was
sustained by money from Japanese church members, who also sold
ginseng, stone pagodas and other religious objects, most of them
made by Il Shin Stone. But the Japanese donations have dried up as
bad publicity and lawsuits have thinned the ranks and revenues of the
faithful there.
Money troubles have also undermined Mr Moon’s plans for North
Korea. Born in the north, he has been careful to keep up contacts
there. In 1991 he struck a deal with Kim Il Sung, the late North
Korean leader, to develop Mount Kumkang in the north into a
tourist resort. But concerns about Tong Il’s finances stalled the
project; eventually Hyundai, South Korea’s biggest conglomerate,
won the contract instead. In October, Tong Il group offered to start
a cruise service, paying North Korea $100 for every tourist it took
to Mount Kumkang. But this time it was the South Korean
government, which wanted a single, reliable firm to run the politically
sensitive service, that vetoed it. Last month Hyundai went ahead with
its own cruises.
Despite these setbacks, the church still plans to build a huge church
in Pyongyang and a car factory in Nampo, to join the (money-losing)
car plant it already runs in Vietnam. Given Mr Moon’s track record,
these North Korean car-making ambitions are puzzling. One of his
biggest recent business failures was Panda Motors (China), which,
when it was announced in 1989, was thought to be the largest
foreign investment so far in China. Panda’s planned sales of 300,000
cars a year were meant to bankroll a far bigger dream: an
“International Highway of Peace”, running (with a few allowances for
oceans) from Tokyo to London, via North Korea and China.
Mr Moon’s representatives initially hawked the idea around Beijing
and Shanghai, where officials were sceptical about the ability of a
church with no car-making experience to pioneer a foreign car
industry in China. But the church eventually found less sophisticated
officials in Huizhou, near Hong Kong, and sold them the idea (one
local dignitary at the time was under the impression that Panda was
one of America’s Big Four car makers, according to Eric Harwit, an
expert on China’s car industry at the University of Hawaii).
The Tong Il group promised to invest $1 billion, and was in return
given a 50-year lease on a huge plot at just over $1 a square metre,
a small fraction of what the land is worth. Panda then bought some
old metal-stamping equipment from a plant that General Motors was
shutting down in Ohio. Somehow this led to widespread (but
unfounded) media reports that it was going to make a Chinese
version of the Chevy Chevette. Panda never came up with a design
of its own; and in 1996, after spending an estimated $100m on the
factory and related ventures without producing a single car, it
officially closed the plant. Today, the company is called Panda
Property Development, the 50-year lease having turned out to be its
most valuable asset.
2003-09-23
Are Americans ready to elect a jewish president?
From Knoxnews:
Wesley Clark: background note
September 18, 2003
According to a May 1999 New York Times article, Gen. Wesley Clark found out as an adult that he is the grandson of a Russian Jew who fled from Russia to avoid the pogroms - the organized persecution - about a century ago. Some said the family history gave Clark added inspiration as NATO commander in Kosovo.
The article states Clark's biological father - a politically active Chicago lawyer who once ran for alderman - died when when Clark was five years old, and the future general was raised as a Christian by his mother and stepfather. He later converted to Roman Catholicism.
His family history resurfaced when he came into contact with paternal relatives later in his life.
From Knoxnews:
Wesley Clark: background note
September 18, 2003
According to a May 1999 New York Times article, Gen. Wesley Clark found out as an adult that he is the grandson of a Russian Jew who fled from Russia to avoid the pogroms - the organized persecution - about a century ago. Some said the family history gave Clark added inspiration as NATO commander in Kosovo.
The article states Clark's biological father - a politically active Chicago lawyer who once ran for alderman - died when when Clark was five years old, and the future general was raised as a Christian by his mother and stepfather. He later converted to Roman Catholicism.
His family history resurfaced when he came into contact with paternal relatives later in his life.
Forbes on China's currancy
After his sucessful Forbes forum in Shanghai, obviously it is not the time to bash china. In fact as he gets to know China better after his china trip,his ideological attack against China might be the thing of the past. China has indeed become the poster boy of
Forbes' style capitalism .
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Fact and Comment; Steve Forbes on how to handle China; a book for everyone, about everything.
Steve Forbes
1,804 words
6 October 2003
Forbes
27
Volume 172 Issue 7
English
(c) 2003 Forbes Inc.
Fool's Errand
Worried about our loss of manufacturing jobs, Treasury Secretary John Snow recently trudged off to China to try to get Beijing to revalue its currency, the yuan. The idea was that this would make China's exports more expensive and our imports to China cheaper, thereby improving our trade balance and preserving jobs at home. Mr. Snow came back empty-handed, and rightly so (as a face-saver, the Chinese said the yuan would "eventually" trade freely). Currency manipulation is a destructive tool that more often than not harms all parties.
For nearly 25 years following the Second World War, for example, the U.S. repeatedly browbeat Germany to revalue the deutsche mark as a panacea for our wobbly dollar and our supposedly harmful international trade deficit. We finally got our wish in the 1970s. The dollar plunged in value against the deutsche mark. But the deficit remained, inflation soared and our economy stagnated.
America's Treasury boss also lectured all Asian nations on the virtues of floating exchange rates. "Let the markets decide," he admonished one and all, treating currencies as though they were products like wheat, oil or automobiles. He can't grasp the fact that the value of money should be fixed, in the same manner as the intervals of time are. Time doesn't fluctuate--there are 60 minutes to the hour, 24 hours to the day, period. But following John Snow's logic--and in this, he has all too many companions in the realms of academia, government and business--we should add ten minutes to the hour as a way to increase worker productivity.
There are far more constructive approaches Washington could take with China. We could pressure it to reduce export subsidies and liberalize capital outflows. China has an export-tax rebate averaging around 15% that Beijing should either cut or eliminate. Overall, we should work to move the Chinese away from the idea that the way to develop economically is by promoting exports. The U.S., in contrast, focused on internal development and rapidly became the world's major economy.
We could do a lot to make ourselves more competitive, including easing taxes on business; at the moment the U.S. has one of the most onerous business tax systems among the major industrialized countries. Repealing the steel tariffs that are, on a net basis, destroying far more manufacturing jobs than they're saving would also help.
Contrary to what so many policymakers and their alleged experts believe, volatile exchange rates hamper economic growth. Just think of Brazil, Turkey and pre-Putin Russia. Countries should be encouraged to tie their currencies to the dollar, the euro or gold so that people can focus their minds and resources on producing more and better goods and services instead of on trying to construct ultimately costly hedges to protect themselves from ever-changing exchange rates. Stability, not turbulence, should be our goal.
After his sucessful Forbes forum in Shanghai, obviously it is not the time to bash china. In fact as he gets to know China better after his china trip,his ideological attack against China might be the thing of the past. China has indeed become the poster boy of
Forbes' style capitalism .
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Fact and Comment; Steve Forbes on how to handle China; a book for everyone, about everything.
Steve Forbes
1,804 words
6 October 2003
Forbes
27
Volume 172 Issue 7
English
(c) 2003 Forbes Inc.
Fool's Errand
Worried about our loss of manufacturing jobs, Treasury Secretary John Snow recently trudged off to China to try to get Beijing to revalue its currency, the yuan. The idea was that this would make China's exports more expensive and our imports to China cheaper, thereby improving our trade balance and preserving jobs at home. Mr. Snow came back empty-handed, and rightly so (as a face-saver, the Chinese said the yuan would "eventually" trade freely). Currency manipulation is a destructive tool that more often than not harms all parties.
For nearly 25 years following the Second World War, for example, the U.S. repeatedly browbeat Germany to revalue the deutsche mark as a panacea for our wobbly dollar and our supposedly harmful international trade deficit. We finally got our wish in the 1970s. The dollar plunged in value against the deutsche mark. But the deficit remained, inflation soared and our economy stagnated.
America's Treasury boss also lectured all Asian nations on the virtues of floating exchange rates. "Let the markets decide," he admonished one and all, treating currencies as though they were products like wheat, oil or automobiles. He can't grasp the fact that the value of money should be fixed, in the same manner as the intervals of time are. Time doesn't fluctuate--there are 60 minutes to the hour, 24 hours to the day, period. But following John Snow's logic--and in this, he has all too many companions in the realms of academia, government and business--we should add ten minutes to the hour as a way to increase worker productivity.
There are far more constructive approaches Washington could take with China. We could pressure it to reduce export subsidies and liberalize capital outflows. China has an export-tax rebate averaging around 15% that Beijing should either cut or eliminate. Overall, we should work to move the Chinese away from the idea that the way to develop economically is by promoting exports. The U.S., in contrast, focused on internal development and rapidly became the world's major economy.
We could do a lot to make ourselves more competitive, including easing taxes on business; at the moment the U.S. has one of the most onerous business tax systems among the major industrialized countries. Repealing the steel tariffs that are, on a net basis, destroying far more manufacturing jobs than they're saving would also help.
Contrary to what so many policymakers and their alleged experts believe, volatile exchange rates hamper economic growth. Just think of Brazil, Turkey and pre-Putin Russia. Countries should be encouraged to tie their currencies to the dollar, the euro or gold so that people can focus their minds and resources on producing more and better goods and services instead of on trying to construct ultimately costly hedges to protect themselves from ever-changing exchange rates. Stability, not turbulence, should be our goal.
2003-09-22
中国八九暴乱后经济起飞的原因探悉
对中国现代历史进程有着重大影响的八九事件已经过去十三年了。对於这一重大历史事件如何
评价，随着时间的推移，也随着十四年来中国和世界历史的变迁，人们对它的评价，也由最初几乎
众口一词的愤怒谴责也变得呈现越趋多元的视角。
为什么中国在六四之后非但没有停滞不前，反而向前迈开了大步？
中国在六四之后，特别是邓小平九二南巡之后经济的迅猛发展，使原先以为在六四镇压后失了民心
的共产党在镇压 之后同时也丧失了统治合法性，政权存活尚且存在很大问题也许过不了几年就会
垮台。可事态的发展与当初人们的预测为什么会出现如此之大的反差呢？
原因在於人们对於当初六四抗议学潮性质有着很大的误判。 大多数人以为，学生代表的士一股向上，进步，使中国走向更开放，更民主的路线，可实际情况是学生们固然对“官倒”(价格双轨制的副产品)深恶
痛绝，可他们对私倒们也嫉妒万分。这里固然有个体户中德一部分是前劳改释放人员(当个体户是他们唯一的职业选择)的因素，可更多的直接原因是他们对所有商业行为，同历代知识分子一样，所持的是一种极其鄙视的态度。所以可以说，六四抗议学潮不过是又一个反商的抗议运动罢了。目标是候补官僚们(志在官府衙门的学子们)向当权的官僚们要官，享权。 所以说，它的抗议行为算不上什么代表了历史的进步。
但是为什么邓小平九二南巡之后会出现全民经商的狂热行为呢？
对中国现代历史进程有着重大影响的八九事件已经过去十三年了。对於这一重大历史事件如何
评价，随着时间的推移，也随着十四年来中国和世界历史的变迁，人们对它的评价，也由最初几乎
众口一词的愤怒谴责也变得呈现越趋多元的视角。
为什么中国在六四之后非但没有停滞不前，反而向前迈开了大步？
中国在六四之后，特别是邓小平九二南巡之后经济的迅猛发展，使原先以为在六四镇压后失了民心
的共产党在镇压 之后同时也丧失了统治合法性，政权存活尚且存在很大问题也许过不了几年就会
垮台。可事态的发展与当初人们的预测为什么会出现如此之大的反差呢？
原因在於人们对於当初六四抗议学潮性质有着很大的误判。 大多数人以为，学生代表的士一股向上，进步，使中国走向更开放，更民主的路线，可实际情况是学生们固然对“官倒”(价格双轨制的副产品)深恶
痛绝，可他们对私倒们也嫉妒万分。这里固然有个体户中德一部分是前劳改释放人员(当个体户是他们唯一的职业选择)的因素，可更多的直接原因是他们对所有商业行为，同历代知识分子一样，所持的是一种极其鄙视的态度。所以可以说，六四抗议学潮不过是又一个反商的抗议运动罢了。目标是候补官僚们(志在官府衙门的学子们)向当权的官僚们要官，享权。 所以说，它的抗议行为算不上什么代表了历史的进步。
但是为什么邓小平九二南巡之后会出现全民经商的狂热行为呢？
Kind of lazy in the last two days. I don't know what to post. My blog seems to be lacking
focus. Although it is a great way for me to organize my thoughts in webblog, I am still too lazy
to do it. I have such a good theory that can be incorporated into a PHD dissertation.
Potantially influening millions of people, at least some of the world's leading
opinion-makers. Why not do it? Let's start from today.
focus. Although it is a great way for me to organize my thoughts in webblog, I am still too lazy
to do it. I have such a good theory that can be incorporated into a PHD dissertation.
Potantially influening millions of people, at least some of the world's leading
opinion-makers. Why not do it? Let's start from today.
